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too large hear to relate. They conceived the church had done what was meete in the thing, so Mr. Chansey, having been the most parte of 3. years here, removed him selfe to Sityate,1 wher he now remaines a minister to the church ther. Also about these

1 "I have of late had intelligence from Plymouth, Mr. Chancy and the Church are to part, he to provide for himself and they for them selves: At a day of fast, when a full conclusion of the business should have beene made, he openly professed he did as verily believe the truth of his opinions as that ther was a God in heaven, and that he was setled in it, as the earth was upon the Center: If ever such confidence fynd good successe I misse of my mark:

"Since then he hath sent to Mr. Prydden to come to them, being invited by some of the Brethren by private letters. I gave warning to Mr. Prydden to bethink himself what he did; And I know he is sensible and

Prove Pruddin

watchfull: I professe, how its possible to keepe peace with a man so adventurous and so pertinacious: who will vent what he list and mayntayne what he vents its beyond all the skill I have to conceave. Mr. Vmphrey I heare invites him to Providence, and that coast is most meet for his opinion and practise." Thomas Hooker to Thomas Shepard, November 2, 1640. Ms. in Hutchinson Papers, Mass. Archives, CCXL. Peter Prudden came to New England with John Davenport, and going to New Haven, had been settled over the church at Milford in April, 1640. This is the only mention of his having been invited to come to New Plymouth.

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2 The church at Scituate had for its first pastor Rev. John Lothrop, who had succeeded Henry Jacob as pastor of an independent church in London. During his service a split occurred in the church on the question of baptism, and Lothrop came to New England, and settled at Scituate in 1634, accompanied by thirty-two members of his church and many others. To avoid a controversy over baptism, he removed with a part of his flock to Barnstable in 1639, and two years later, in 1641, Chauncy came to Scituate to take charge of his church. At the very beginning of his pastorate the Church divided into nearly equal parts, one part remaining with Chauncy. The cause was again a difference of opinion on administering the seals, with special reference to baptism. The question of church organization arising out of this division was referred to the Elders of Plymouth Patent and Massachusetts Bay, and no agreement followed. The Elders of Plymouth were then appealed to, and gave a decision which favored Chauncy; but the proceedings proved that his passion and prejudice had made the question largely a personal one between himself and William Vassall, the leader of those who separated from the Chauncy, or remnant of the Lothrop Church. Massachusetts Bay supported Vassall, and Rev. William Witherell

times, now that catle and other things begane greatly to fall from their former rates, and persons begane to fall into more straits, and many being allready gone from them, (as is noted before,) both to Duxberie, Marshfeeld, and other places, and those of the cheefe sorte, as Mr. Winslow, Captaine Standish, Mr. Allden, and many other, and stille some dropping away daly, and some at this time, and many more unsetled, it did greatly weaken the place, and by reason of the straitnes and barrennes of the place, it sett the thoughts of many upon removeall; as will appere more hereafter.1

was called to take charge of a church of the dissidents. The incident is told in Deane, History of Scituate, 59-89. See also, Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, VI. 471.

Chauncy remained at Scituate until 1654, when all differences between the two churches were healed. To the last he held to his opinions on baptism by immersion, of which Winthrop (History, 11. 72) relates some amusing, though at that time very serious, incidents, and on administering the Lord's Supper in the evening and on every Lord's day. In 1654 he was preparing to return to England, where the changes promised a better field for his labors; but the presidency of Harvard College falling vacant by the dismission of Dunster, he was chosen to that place. He filled the office until his death February 17, 1671–72.

The General Court in November, 1640, granted lands to eight persons, meadow lands by Jones River (p. 303, supra). Among the grantees was Chauncy, who appears to have been unwilling to remain in New Plymouth. The town in December of the same year "do generally consent that Mr. Chauncey shall have the place that he desireth to be graunted unto him if no way can be found for his staying at Plymouth." He also received land at Mattapoyst. Plymouth Col. Rec., 1. 9; Records of the Town of Plymouth, 1. 6.

1 Town meetings were held by the inhabitants of Plymouth on September 16, December 31, 1641, and October 17, 1642, at which a committee appointed by the General Court granted lands within the township of Plymouth, to such as required new plots or an enlargement of their present holdings. One curious reservation was of the lands "beyond the Second Brook," which "shall not be graunted forth to any man except to a pastor or a teacher." Plymouth Col. Rec., 11. 25. Yet nothing could prevent the people from spreading into new territory, setting up churches and laying out towns. The growth and influence of New Plymouth declined as those of the Massachusetts Bay plantation increased. Its harbor, its land, and the opportunities caused the locality to be considered less desirable, both as a plantation and for commercial purposes.

Anno Dom: .1642.

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ARVILOUS it may be to see and consider how some kind of wickednes did grow and breake forth here, in a land wher the same was so much witnesed against, and so narrowly looked unto, and severly punished when it was knowne; as in no place more, or so much, that I have known or heard of; insomuch as they have been somewhat censured, even by moderate and good men, for their severitie in punishments.1 And yet all this could not suppress the breaking out of sundrie notorious sins, (as this year, besides other, gives us too many sad presidents and instances,) espetially drunkennes and unclainnes; not only incontinencie betweene persons unmaried, for which many both men and women have been punished sharply enough, but some maried persons allso.2 But that which is worse, even sodomie

1 Winthrop makes the same complaint. "As people increased, so sin abounded, and especially the sin of uncleanness, and still the providence of God found them out." History, II. *48.

So imperfect are the records of the plantation that no conclusion can be drawn as to the frequency of the crimes, or even the manner of punishment. In the years 1633-1640 the penalties for drunkenness were, a fine, stocks, whipping or disfranchisement (1. 12, 36, 44, 87, 100, 106, 132). The sale of intoxicants was under strict regulation, as also was the entertainment of strangers. These regulations, however, proved difficult of enforcement. On the more serious offences the records approach greater completeness, for the punishments were severer and a public minute added to their solemnity. Fornication fell more properly under church discipline, and, indeed, but for the requirements of the church would rarely have come to light. The confession was made only when there was a child; unless the confession was made and public penance performed, the child could not be baptized; without baptism the child was doomed to hell- such was the course of reasoning. See Some Phases of Sexual Morality and Church Discipline in Colonial New-England, 2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, vi. 477. In New Plymouth the culprits were either placed in the stocks or whipped, and the punishment was inflicted upon woman as well as man. For a particularly noticeable act of incontinency, an Indian being involved,

and bugerie, (things fearfull to name,) have broak forth in this land, oftener then once. I say it may justly be marveled at, and cause us to fear and tremble at the consideration of our corrupte natures, which are so hardly bridled, subdued, and mortified; nay, cannot by any other means but the powerful worke and grace of Gods spirite. But (besides this) one reason may be, that the Divell may carrie a greater spite against the churches of Christ and the gospell hear, by how much the more they indea[v]our to preserve holynes and puritie amongst them, and strictly punisheth the contrary when it ariseth either in church or comone wealth; that he might cast a [242] blemishe and staine upon them in the eyes of [the] world, who use to be rash in judgmente. I would rather thinke thus, then that Satane hath more power in these heathen lands, as som have thought, then in more Christian nations, espetially over Gods servants in them.

2. An other reason may be, that it may be in this case as it is with waters when their streames are stopped or dammed up, when they gett passage they flow with more violence, and make more noys and disturbance, then when they are suffered to rune quietly in their owne chanels. So wikednes being here more stopped by strict laws, and the same more nerly looked unto, so as it cannot rune in a comone road of liberty as it would, and is inclined, it searches every wher, and at last breaks out wher it getts vente.

3. A third reason may be, hear (as I am verily perswaded) is not more evills in this kind, nor nothing nere so many by proportion, as in other places; but they are here more discoverd and seen, and

the woman was sentenced "to be whipt at a carts tayle through the townes streets, and to weare a badge vpon her left sleeue during her aboad within this gouerment; and if shee shalbe found without it abroad, then to be burned in the face with a hott iron." Not until December, 1641, did a case of adultery appear in the records. The punishment included severe whippings and the wearing "(whilst they remayne in the gouerment) two letters, viz. an AD, for Adulterers, daily, vpon the outside of their vppermost garment, in a most emenent place thereof." If found without this mark, another whipping would be their lot.

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