of the command of books was of great mo- respect to religion-the strongest influencment to Hume, who had now commenced ing power that animates either individuals his history of the House of Stuart, and his or bodies of men-Hume was, unhappily, pride was satisfied by declining any longer utterly skeptical, if we are not to use a to receive the salary, and transferring it to stronger word. Through his work there Blacklock, the blind poet, whose works was another great and insuperable fault. are, we do not well know why, still included His acquaintance with English literature in every reprint of those collections which was imperfect in a degree that, in our days, are called, by a strange misnomer, the must be altogether incredible. In his day, British Poets. When Hume had the means nothing seems to have been called literaof proving that he did not retain the office ture except the showy publications that for the sake of the salary, the curators and were addressed rather to the idle and dishe agreed better. At the end of 1754, ap- engaged portion of the public, than to the peared the first part of his great work, a business mind of England. There is no quarto volume of four hundred and seventy-country in the world in which the mind of three pages-"The History of Great Brit-the nation is less shown in that class of ain, Volume I., containing the reigns of publications, which, except in accidental James I., and Charles I." cases, are of little real value; nor is there His own account of this event, and its any people whose men of business have effect on him, cannot be omitted :been more the creators of its true literature than this same England. In the parlia 1 -- "I was, I own, sanguine in my expectations of the success of this work. I thought that Imentary history, in the state trials, in the was the only historian that had at once neg-law reports, in the pamphlets of the day, lected present power, interest, and authority, at almost all periods of our history of which and the cry of popular prejudices; and, as the we have any valuable records, are found subject was suited to every capacity, I expect masses of thought to which, in their real ed proportional applause. But miserable was interest and importance, and often even in my disappointment: I was assailed by one cry reference to the artistic skill with which of reproach, disapprobation, and even detestation: English, Scotch, and Irish, Whig and arguments of great power are elaborated Tory, churchman and sectary, freethinker and and exhibited, the works of our later literareligionist, patriot and courtier, united in their ture bear no comparison whatever; and of rage against the man who had presumed to all these, Hume was, except when by bare shed a generous tear for the fate of Charles I. accident he looked farther than the popular and the Earl of Strafford; and after the first works by which he was directed to his auebullitions of their fury were over, what was thorities, altogether ignorant. Hume thought still more mortifying, the book seemed to sink into oblivion. Mr. Millar told me, that in a himself a Whig, and perhaps the temper in twelvemonth he sold only forty-five copies of which the French writers, whose tone he it. I scarcely, indeed, heard of one man in the assumed, then spoke of proposed improvethree kingdoms, considerable for rank or let-ments in their political constitution, might ters, that could endure the book. I must only have deceived him into the belief. In every except the primate of England, Dr. Herring, government-the most tyrannical and absoand the primate of Ireland, Dr. Stone, which lute, as well as the most free-the peace of seem two odd exceptions. These dignified prelates separately sent me messages not to be society must be the first object; and, though discouraged. Hume would not admit it in words, he "I was, however, 1 confess, discouraged: seems to think that whenever this is attainand had not the war at that time been break-ed all is accomplished. Had Hume written ing out between France and England, I had the history of the Church, as he once certainly retired to some provincial town of the thought of doing, woe to the poor reformers, former kingdom, have changed my name, and unless indeed Rome had, in the days of her never more have returned to my native coun- first usurpations, put forward, instead of her try; but as this scheme was not now practicable, and the subsequent volume was consid- claim of antiquity, that of development— erably advanced, I resolved to pick up courage the dream, it would, no doubt, have seemed and to persevere.”—Own Life. to him, of wandering dotage, and a symptom of approaching change.* If Hume can be said to have had any sympathies, they were altogether with things as established; and That Hume's history of the House of Stuart should have provoked all, was but natural. There is no one motive of action which unites men into parties, which Hume *See Newman's Essay on "Development" of acknowledges with approbation; and with Christian Doctrine-1845. to this, rather than to any thing else, are essentially and in every thing different, and we to ascribe what we must regard as the to simplify despotism, was a thing not very entirely false spirit in which his narrative of easily borne. It was ease enough for Hume the civil wars in the reign of the second to make a plausible case for the Stuart king of the House of Stuart is conceived. kings, on the supposition that the names of The language of every early document king and parliament had the same meaning whatever of our history, that can be brought in England as in countries where the laws to bear on the subject, proves that the and mode of government were essentially claims of the popular party were not, as different; and while we are willing to beHume would represent them, encroach-lieve that the usurpations of the Stuarts ments on the prerogative, but that the king arose from their never having fairly considof England was a limited power. The ex- ered the true points of difference, it seems tent of his power was defined by the fact, to us demonstrable that a practical change that he could as king only act through re- wholly unjustified was sought to be made sponsible officers, no one of whom could, by them, which it was an absolute duty in without a violation of law, exceed his prop- the people of England to resist. James's er duties. That the power of an English talents had enabled him to systematize into king had its legal limits, was expressed in a sort of theory his notions of kingly govthe maxim so often strangely perverted into ernment, and when the vanity of an author a meaning directly opposite to what was was added to that of a monarch, it is no meant to be conveyed by it-The king can wonder that he deceived himself. It is a do no wrong. From our early history we sad delusion when the feeling of loyalty dedo not think that with all the confusion of generates into a baseless superstition, and occasional civil wars, and the loose lan- the claim of a divine right is stated, as it guage of documents drawn up without par- was then stated by James, for the purpose ticular reference to a point not in dispute, of extending the power of the crown beyond any case can be plausibly made by the ad- any thing known by the name of kingly vocates of the doctrine that arbitrary power power in the government which he was in the monarch was consistent with the called on by Providence to administer. To constitution of government in England. assert in argument, from the facts of a man The doubt with respect to the rightful lim- being king, and of God, who rules in the its of the prerogative arose, we think, chief- affairs of men, having called him to that ly from the arrogant claims of the House of high trust, the further consequence that Tudor, and were suggested by the anoma- such man has a right to enlarge the powers lous position in which the crown, and a committed to him whenever opportunity great and influential portion of its subjects, offers, is, we think, not only a doctrine were placed by the king's being declared wholly untenable, but offensive in the Head of the Church, before the meaning of highest degree to those whose feeling of that new title, or the claims depending on religion and loyalty are least questionit, were practically reduced to an assertion, able. that the clergy owed undivided allegiance to Hume has been accused of a dishonest the state, and were subject to the same ju- perversion of facts on evidence that, whererisdiction as the laity. To the accession ever it has been examined, has wholly failed. of the family of Stuart, and to the false no-Of this we shall hereafter give proofs, to tions which James, brought up under the our own mind entirely decisive.-Hume's laws of another country, from the first took history has faults enough without the agof his position, we ascribe the contest gravation of intentional misstatement; but between the crown and people being it has beauties of narrative more than suffiplaced by any one on the grounds which cient, where the reader is sufficiently guardHume endeavored to take. All the notions ed against the errors which we have indicawhich James brought with him from Scotland were essentially and in first principles opposed to the theory and the practice of the English constitution. All his notions were referable to the civil law; and the effort to engraft on the English law and forms of government those of a system See Strype's Life of Parker. ted, to redeem many of its imputed faults, and the book is calculated to give more instruction, as well as more pleasure, than any other single account of the same period. It cannot supply, and no book can, the place of the original authorities; but it certainly is, in every respect whatever, in which they can be fairly compared, superior "to the orderly and solid works" of Turner, Mackintosh, Lingard, and all those whom | behoves impartial men to expose the futility Mr. Landor describes in his amusing jingle of the defence, and to hold up to the exeof words-which is not without some mean-cration of all honest men the criminal. ing too-as age." the Coxes and Foxes of our From the North British Review. DISPATCHES AND LETTERS OF LORD NELSON. The Dispatches and Letters of Vice-Ad miral Lord Viscount Nelson; with Notes by SIR NICHOLAS HARRIS NICOLAS, G. C. M. G. Vols. I.-IV. 8vo. London, 1844-45. It is only by the fear of posterity and of infamy, that men placed by circumstances in a position which enables them to defy with impunity the laws of humanity, of nations, and of society, can be deterred from breaking them; it is an encouragement to future atrocities, to uphold those of former times. The more illustrious the criminal, and the more respectable in point of talents—and still more in point of character—the advo cate, the more is it requisite to expose the misdeeds of the one and the sophisms of the other, and prevent either of them from lending the weight of their names to the National honor, and consequently national defence of what ought to be abhorred. interest, demand it equally. Should enormities like those of which Admiral Nelson We do not know any edition of a work of this sort better executed than this is on the nation might be said "to make herself was guilty, pass unreproved, then, indeed, the whole; yet we know no other such a participator in his guilt." Fortunately publication, the editor of which is more liable to animadversion. So long as Sir for the honor of England, this cannot be said of her. Such eminent men as Southey, N. H. Nicolas has limited himself to form his office of editor, he has been emi-Wrangham, Brougham, Fox, Alison, Foote, nently successful, and his industry deserves James, Brenton, and a host of others, have praise; but when, led away by admiration been unanimous in casting the opprobrium of his deeds on the responsibility of the for his hero, he undertakes to defend deeds which have met with the reprobation of perpetrator. Even his biographers, Clarke men of all parties and countries, he inflicts and M'Arthur, men not particularly scrua severe blow, not only on the memory of pulous in defending their hero, were nearhis hero, but on his own judgment. We ly giving him up. Of all the distinguished say, on his own judgment," feeling satis- companions-in-arms and friends of Nelson, fied, that, had not that judgment been some of whom are still alive, not one has warped by a bias for a man of so high a reputation as Nelson, Sir Harris would have been the last man to take on himself the awful responsibility of apologizing for conduct which has stamped an indelible stigma on Nelson's name-conduct which made his most distinguished biographer say, that "to palliate it would be in vain; to justify it would be wicked: there is no alternative for one who will not make him had the courage to stand up for him. When Mr. Fox, in his place in the House of Commons, reproved the conduct of the * British admiral, not a minister raised his voice in his defence; and when Nelson complained so bitterly of the attack thus made on him, though his complaints were communicated to a Cabinet Minister, neither the minister nor any of Nelson's friends ventured to allude to the subject in Parliament, or send what he supposed his defence to the newspapers. Sir Nicholas H. Nicolas is the first champion of name self a participator in guilt, but to record the disgraceful story with sorrow and with shame."* Thus it is that the severity of history, in the case of so renowned a man * Dispatches, vol. iv. p. 232. Clarke, ii. 266. as Nelson, is almost disarmed, and his † Clarke, in a letter to Foote, said that Nelson's crimes extenuated as foibles inseparable reasons for acting as he did were carried by from human nature, and almost forgiven, Davison to Lord Grenville."-Vindication, p. 46. ‡ Nelson himself took his seat in the House of if not forgotten. But when a man, like the editor of the work before us, is so far Lords on the 20th of November, 1800, but he' forgot to notice the attack on his character from dazzled by admiration as to defend atroci-such a man as Fox, in such a place as the House ties unequalled in Europe in our times, it of Commons, though he felt when far off that he was "called upon to explain his conduct," and wished to be set right by others in public opinion. • SOUTHIY's Life of Nelson, chap. vi. 1846.] DISPATCHES AND LETTERS OF LORD NELSON. This jumble is the effect of an excited imagination; the following is the consequence of inordinate vanity. to his wife : * He writes who undertakes to defend a cause which the highest, Lord Hood was obliged to order no one hitherto thought defensible; and the French fleet to be set on fire."—Vol. i., p. 342. flatters himself with "the exposure of ignorance, prejudice, and falsehoods that more or less pervade every statement on the subject.' These are hard words. We shall show that they are utterly uncalled for; we shall prove beyond question that no one has committed more mistakes, or has shown "I have just received the Emperor of Rushimself more prejudiced, than the learned sia's picture, in a box magnificently set with editor himself. Far from us to think him diamonds; it has done him honor, and me a liable to the charge of ignorance or false-pleasure to have my conduct approved."hood! As he himself publishes the docu- Vol. iii., p. 381. ments that will serve to convict him, it is clear that he cannot be liable to either the one or the other of those two accusations. On another occasion, giving vent to his dissatisfaction, as he often does, at his services not being acknowledged as, in his opinion, they deserved, and to his fear that they will go unrewarded, he says, Before entering on that, the most important part of our subject, we shall offer a few observations on the historical value of "My country, I trust, will not allow me any the Letters themselves, and on the edition longer to linger in want of that pecuniary now before us. There is no question that assistance which I have been fighting the these Dispatches show great enthusiasm, whole war to preserve to her."-Vol. ii., patriotism, loyalty, courage, and determi- p. 436. having nation in their writer; as a man, up to a But what follows is a more serious escacertain period he seems to have been a good son and a good husband. To his friends pade. The Bey of Tripoli was supposed and companions-in-arms Nelson was warm-to have turned favorable to the French, ly attached, so far as his rather suspicious then in Egypt. Nelson writes to him the temper and uncommon vanity allowed him; most violent letter, charging him with his foible for Lady Hamilton caused him to be guilty of very unfair conduct towards those whom she hated the more for having wronged them most cruelly. To the influence which that woman had over him must be attributed the sanguinary and ungenerous sentiments that he uttered towards the enemies of his country; at all events, in early life he was neither so virulent against them nor so certain that the cause for which he fought had justice on its side. The enthusiasm, which we have observed to be prominent in Nelson's character, led him sometimes to express himself in such terms as are either ridiculous or utterly indefensible. Struck by the horrors which attended the evacuation of Toulon, he says, "Then," on the troops and royalists embarking, "began a scene of horror, which may be conceived, not described. The mob rose; death called forth all its myrmidons, which destroyed the miserable inhabitants in the shape of swords, pistols, fire, and water. Thousands are said to be lost. In this dreadful scene, and to complete misery already at Preface to vol. 3, p. viii. renounced the defence of the true Mussulman faith, and joined in a new alliance with the French infidels, who are endeavoring to overthrow the Ottoman Empire, and the worship of the true only God and his Holy Prophet. * * It will be my duty to join with the Admiral of the Ottoman fleet in chastising those enemies of the true faith and of the Grand Signior," &c. And to the Consul at Tripoli, he says,"If his Highness renounces his evil counsellors, and retracts in writing and in due form any treaty he may unwittingly have entered into against the Grand Signior and the true faith of Mahomet, it will give me sensible pleasure. * You will urge this point with energy and delicacy, so as to make it appear that it is the cause of the Grand Signior * * *Those who have known Nelson, agree in say-` ing that he was very vain,-a weakness not seldom allied to great courage, though universally General Wolfe supposed incompatible with it. was very vain. Sir Harris Nicolas will not believe that Nelson once exclaimed, "Westminster Abbey or victory," as it is "a gasconade very inconsistent with his character," (vol. ii., p. 342) Yet it is recorded that the same idea struck him before the battle of the Nile.-CLARKE and' M'Arthur, ii., 10. 8vo edition. * * * and the Mahometan religion that we are called "Two events only caused pain to the honest people in Sicily. The first was that a Genoese ship, with sixty-six blind or wounded French soldiers, returning from Egypt, having touched at Augusta in January,* the populace, who thought the ship might carry a valuable cargo, boarded it, and, in plundering it, murIt would appear that Bonaparte and Nel-dered forty-five of those invalids. The others son agreed in one single point during all were with difficulty saved by a Neapolitan their lives, viz.-the holiness and truth of frigate which chanced to be there. The other Mahomedanism and of Mahomed, and the event," &c.t claim that both, the French General and the English Admiral, had on the gratitude of Moslems for supporting that true faith and that holy prophet. As it was after his intimacy with Lady Hamilton that he penned these letters, we charitably suppose he would not have written them before, his whole conduct being certainly altered after that fatal acquaintance. Nelson undoubtedly always hated the French, but as Frenchmen not as Republicans; but it was most ungenerous of him to stigmatize the whole army in Egypt -that army that numbered amongst its officers Desaix, Kleber, Soult, Berthier, and a host of others as a band of assassins, especially when he knew that his officers and seamen, when prisoners in the hands of the French, were well treated, because belonging to his ship. What a contrast! But the ferocity which he displays against them at a later period, is utterly shocking: "At Augusta, " he writes on the 28th of January, 1799,"140 French arrived from Alexandria. Eighty-two were killed by the people on the 20th, the rest were saved by a Neapolitan frigate. What a fool."-Vol. iii., p. 242. Now the victims were not there as enemies, and it is painful to compare Nelson's brutal joy with the terms in which an undoubted partisan of legitimate government and an adversary to the French-yet a Christian and a gentleman-speaks of the same event: "I hate a Frenchman. They are equally objects of my detestation, whether royalists or republicans-in some points, I believe, the latter are the best."-Vol. ii., p. 117. This the Rev. J. S. Clarke called "most commendable hatred." "My officers and people who are prisoners in France are exceedingly well treated, particularly so by the naval officers; and, as they say, because they belong to the Agamemnon, whose character is well known throughout the Republic."-ii., 124. The French navy are afterwards called "miscreants,”—(vol. iii., p. 459)—and such other choice names elsewhere. The garrison of Malta are "scoundrels."-iv. 197. ed the French army, he writes- "Thank God, the plague has got into both the French army and into their shipping. God send it may finish these miscreants.”—iii., 277. And again, at a later period-"The plague, thank God, has got among them," (iv. 254)-thus rejoicing at the fulfilment of the mean wishes he had expressed long before, speaking of the army which had landed in Egypt: destroyed by plague, pestilence and famine, "I have little doubt but that army will be and battle and murder, which, that it may soon be, God grant."-Vol. iii., p. 108. Had Lord Nelson been carried away by a sense of the justice of the cause in which he was embarked, and by an honest conviction that the extermination of the French was as just as it was necessary, one might find some palliation for the applause which he bestows on the horrible means of destruction to which he hopes that they are exposed. But he was not misled by any He was such bias in favor of that cause. always of opinion that the best mode of putting an end to the Republic and to the war, was not to interfere. He writes in 1794 last much longer; not by the French having "I am still of opinion it (the war) cannot an absolute monarchy again, but by one leaving them alone, perhaps the wisest method we can follow."-i., 355. |