Page images
PDF
EPUB
[blocks in formation]

1880, £121,000,000; in 1870, £69,000,000. How can this constant influx, averaging over £90,000,000 annually since 1880, be accounted for? The figures furnished officially are admittedly defective on some points. The imports of precious stones are to a large extent wanting; the exports of ships, largely manufactured for and sold to foreigners, are wholly absent, and it is probable that if we added £5,000,000 on each side for missing items, we should be within the mark. But this does not help us to an answer to the question-How is the discrepancy between our imports and exports to be accounted for? In the first place, these imports are valued plus the charges for shipment to our ports, while the exports are returned minus those charges. Let us take 9 per cent as this addition to the exports (the reason of this percentage will appear later) as representing the earnings of British shipping engaged in this commerce; and add another 4 per cent for the earnings of British shipping carrying goods wholly for foreign countries or our colonies, and a total of some £47,000,000 results, which may fairly be set towards filling up this discrepancy. There still remains much to be accounted for. The interest remitted home for investments abroad supplies in great measure the solution. An estimate in the Banker's Magazine of 1880 of the amount of interest accruing annually upon British investments abroad, reached a total of £70,000,000 sterling. It is probable that this annual payment to Great Britain upon her external investments has since been increased, for though some foreign holdings may be smaller, colonial are certainly larger. The following rough balance-sheet may, therefore, be made respecting the commercial relations of the United Kingdom in 1890:

[blocks in formation]

Difference may, between the foregoing amount and that stated per contra, possibly be an increase in foreign investments.....

[blocks in formation]
[merged small][ocr errors][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][ocr errors][merged small][merged small][ocr errors][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small]

These figures are the latest returns available, though not all for the same year, and it will be seen that the exports grew to the extent of £167,661,293 in value by the time they became imports. This difference was equal to over 9 per cent on the exports, or to 4 per cent upon the combined total of imports and exports. In this way we arrive at some notion of the earnings and profitableness of commerce, and the worth and value of the world's shipping industry. Thus the world invariably appears to import more than it exports, and it is far from indicating any loss of purchasing power that there should be this discrepancy between imports and exports. Taking the population concerned as 1,250,000,000, this trade represents imports per head to the extent of £1: 10s., and exports to the extent of £1:7: 6 per annum. These averages, however, are reduced by the vast populations of Asiatic countries like China, where the imports are but little over 1s. per head and the exports under 1s. In Europe (apart from Russia and Turkey, which are partly Asiatic) the imports average about £4 per head, and the exports about £3:10s.; and in America (North and South combined) both .£353,000,000 imports and exports are over £2 per head. Australia is the largest import and export centre of the British Empire, in proportion to the number of inhabitants, the exports from that Continent to Great Britain averaging some £16 per head of the present population.

.£455,000,000
5,000,000

20,000,000 £480,000,000

5,000,000 47,000,000 75,000,000

£480,000,000

This is to be understood only as a rough approximation; it shows, however, that but for a further investment of capital abroad the country would have had the call of a still larger volume of imports.

The commerce of the British Empire may thus be stated, the figures including the precious metals, which in some colonies may to a large extent be ranked as merchandise.

[The theory of excess of imports is well stated by Mr. Giffen in Essays on Finance. There is a full enumeration of the exports other than commodities, "invisible exports," by which imports are balanced in Bastable's International Trade; the heads of British commerce are given by Sir Rawson Rawson. His statement of the growth of tonnage and the conclusions built on it are striking (see also Goschen, Foreign Exchanges). For further details

[blocks in formation]

see the Statistical Abstract and the Parliamentary | tion" is not to be expected. At most, the Papers relating to trade and commerce, passim.]

COMMERCE, BRITISH (HISTORY OF). The earliest trade of the British Isles consisted in the exchange of tin with the Gauls, and perhaps also with Phoenician traders.

rules bearing on the subject reflect the economic prejudices current among the classes who had the framing of law and usage in their hands.

The commercial position of England in the 12th century is better known. The communication with Normandy increased by the Con

Under Roman rule the agricultural and mineral resources of Britain were more fully developed. Corn was exported in large quanti-quest (1066). In the middle of the century

ties. Tin, copper, lead, and iron were extracted, but there is little evidence that these articles were exported. London, as a centre of commerce, dates at least from Roman times (Tac. Ann. xiv. 33). It was certainly the principal port for trading with Gaul.

The English conquest which swept away the remains of the system established by Roman administrators, broke off active commercial relations with the continent; even the materials for any notice of commerce during the early Anglo-Saxon period are wanting. Towards the end of the 8th century traces of a revival appeardue to the influence of the Christian Church. The letter of protection for English pilgrims given to Offa of Mercia by Charlemagne (796), which refers to trade carried on by them, has even been called "the first English commercial treaty." There is no evidence as to the commodities exported, but it may be inferred that raw wool had now become a leading article of trade to the Netherlands. Commerce was mainly in the hands of foreigners. settlement of German merchants, which afterwards became the London HANSE (see ADVENTURERS, MERCHANT), existed temp. Ethelred II. (979-1016), and some aliens were probably resident before that reign. The often-quoted law of Athelstane (925-40), that a merchant who had made three sea-voyages should be of right a thane, is a proof of the small number as well as of the importance of such native traders. There is evidence that Bristol was the seat of a considerable trade in slaves with the Danish settlements in Ireland. The constant intercourse between England and Normandy also restored in some degree the older trade with northern France.

The

[ocr errors]

mention is made of the import of silver in ex-
change for meat, fish, cattle, and wool, all
being sent to the manufacturing districts of the
low countries. The vigorous rule of Henry II.
(1154-1189) assisted the revival of trade. His
possession of Guienne gave new opportunities
for traffic in import of wine and salt thence.
Rouen was particularly favoured, being granted
a monopoly of trade with Ireland, and freedom
of commerce in London. The foundations of
the future prosperity of many English towns were
now laid. London was the seat of trade in such
Eastern luxuries as were then becoming known
through the influence of the Crusades (see CRUS-
ADES, ECONOMIC EFFECT OF). Bristol and
Chester had whatever Irish trade existed, and
both these towns imported French wines.
was one of the ports whence wool went abroad,
and the trade with Norway was carried on through
Grimsby. Exeter exported the tin of Cornwall,
obtaining wine and salt in return. A further
proof of the growth of the English towns is
found in the establishment, in most of them, of
Merchant Guilds (see GUILDS). Corn was some-
times exported, but not without a royal licence
(as in 1181, see CORN LAWS). A particular
import-woad used for dyeing seems to show
that a native woollen manufacture existed,
though all finer cloth came from Flanders.

Hull

The development of commerce from the reign of Henry III. (1216) can be traced by the attempts at legislation scattered through the early parts of the statute-book. The increased number of foreign merchants in England is a good indication of larger trade relations. The provisions of the great Charter, securing them liberty in time of peace and reciprocity of treatment in war, must have been called forth The "Colloquies" of Elfric (11th century) by the importance of their interests. Many tell us what the commodities imported were. cases of special privileges occur; as those A merchant being asked what he brings, replies, granted to Venetian merchants and to German "skins, silks, costly gems and gold, various cities; first, to Cologne, the principal town of garments, pigments, wine, oil, ivory, orichalcum western Germany, later to Lübeck, chief city of (brass), copper, tin, silver, glass, and such like," the eastern Hanse. French cities (e.g. Amiens, hence it appears that articles of luxury were 1237) also obtained special favours, mainly the principal imports. During the whole consisting in relaxation of restraints on trade Old English period commerce was little de- imposed by customs and ordinances of English veloped (see CITY, MEDIEVAL). The so-called towns. All legislation was not so generous in Anglo-Saxon "laws" bear the impress of this character. The export of wool and import of state of things. Beyond a few trite rules no cloth were prohibited 1261; "prohibitions recommercial policy is discernible. The customs peated 1271." In 1275 foreigners were ordered of a town regulate trade in it. There is no to sell their goods and depart within forty general commercial law. Any settled and days, probably to prevent FORESTALLING (q.v.) definite policy as "mercantilism" or "protec- | Much indeed of medieval legislation was in the

[blocks in formation]

interest of the consumer rather than, as in later times, of the producer.

Besides the general effect on commerce produced by the policy and constitutional legislation of Edward I., he dealt in some cases directly with matters affecting trade. The Statute of Merchants (1283) gave greater security to foreign as well as native traders for recovery of debts, while the Charta Mercatoria (1303),—which by its enumeration of the various nationalities affected shows the extent of the body of foreign traders, confirmed and extended privileges which aliens had gradually obtained. Full security was given to all foreigners to come and go free from any personal duty; they were allowed to sell by wholesale to any native or alien, and to retail spices and mercery; any article might be exported, on paying the duty (except wine, for which a licence was required), to countries at peace with England. All restrictions on residence were removed, the export of wool on which duty had once been paid was legalised. It might also be moved from one part of the country to another (see BOARD OF TRADE). In this period there is a close connection between politics and commerce. Edward I. used the English supply of superior kinds of wool as a means of securing aid from the Flemings. According to the requirements of the moment its export was either forbidden, heavily taxed, or freely permitted. The first prohibition of the export of gold is found 1307; soon afterwards the STAPLE (q.v.) comes into notice. We cannot trace here the various changes of the system, but it tended directly to limit trade to the staple towns, and by enabling the course of every transaction to be more easily watched, made it possible to enforce the statutes which forbade foreigners to take their money out of the kingdom, or, in a milder form, required one half of it to be expended on native commodities.

The exports during the 13th and 14th centuries included wool, sent largely to Flanders, hides, tin, and fish. Coal was exported to France from Newcastle in the 14th century. Lead and iron were also at times exported, and in good seasons corn. The imports comprised iron from Spain, linen and fine cloth from Flanders, wine and salt from Gascony, silks, fruits, spices, and Greek wines brought by the Italian fleets, which, after 1317, regularly visited England. Furs, pitch, and timber came from the north of Europe through the traders of the Hanse towns; in times of scarcity corn was imported. The trade with Bordeaux was very active, and mainly carried on by English ships from London, Bristol, Dover, and Hull; they took out wool, herrings, lead, copper, and tin, and pilgrims as passengers; they returned laden with wine and wheat. In 1350, 141 ships carried 13,429 tuns of wine from Bordeaux to England.

sacks

The difficulty of getting precise amounts of the commodities traded in during the earlier periods has led historians to quote gladly the exports and imports as given in the custom accounts for 1354. The former comprise 31,651 and 3036 cwt. of wool, sheepskins, hides, 47744 pieces of coarse cloth, and 80614 pieces of worsted, representing a total value of £212,338: 5s., of which nearly £82,000 went in duties. The imports were 1831 pieces of fine cloth, 3974 cwt. of wax, 18294 tuns of wine, with linen, mercery, and grocery, the whole valued at £38,383:16:10, paying nearly £600 duty. These figures, however, though instructive as showing the amounts of commerce in certain articles, and illustrating the great predominance of export duties in early times, are yet very incomplete, e.g. there is no account of the large export of minerals. More detailed returns of the customs of the port of London during the 14th century show extraordinary fluctuations from year to year.

The mechanism of commercial transactions became much more refined during the period under consideration. Though the earliest dealers in money and exchange, the Jews, were expelled by Edward I. (1290), their place was speedily taken by Italians, who supplied the funds needed by the English kings for their French wars, and developed the employment of the BILL OF EXCHANGE (q.v.) Even in the absence of direct evidence it is probable that the stringent regulations as to export of money were evaded by the use of these instruments, supplemented by smuggling, which the small size of all the vessels employed in trade rendered very easy.

The trade of Ireland and Scotland, up to the end of the 14th century, was not important. Bristol received the raw produce of Ireland, principally corn and skins; there was also some direct trade with Bordeaux. Scottish wool was exported from Berwick, and the produce of the fisheries found its way both to England and the Continent.

The

At the opening of the 15th century British trade, in its medieval form, had attained a high development, and was increasing in volume. Italian merchants were accorded full privileges by Henry IV. (1409), and even allowed to engage in the carrying trade contrary to the policy of the early Navigation Laws e.g. that of Richard II. (1381). remarkable poem called a Libel of English Policy (1436) gives a full account of commodities exchanged between the countries of western Europe. Spanish goods-fruit, oil, soap, wax, and iron-reached England by way of Bruges. The Portuguese trade, a direct one, supplied similar wares with the addition of hides and salt. Of Italian traders the Genoese brought alum, spices, and gold to meet the balance due by them for the export of wool and

[blocks in formation]

cloth from England. The Venetians supplied | exports were concerned, in the hands of English articles of luxury and were regarded with disfavour as leading the nation to engage in "unproductive" consumption. Wine and salt came from France, as formerly, but, in consequence of the continual wars, through Brittany, then practically independent. Trade with Flanders consisted in the exchange of raw materials for manufactures, but the growth of a feeling in favour of native industry is shown by the writer, who advocates a decided national policy, holding that England by her power over the supply of raw wool, and by her possession of Calais, which gave her command of the Channel, could compel Spain and the Netherlands to support her against France.

One of the best indications of the growth of commerce is the increasing number of wealthy native merchants. Though some are mentioned in the 13th century, and the names of De la Pole and Whittington were remarkable in the 14th, it is not till the 15th century that they become numerous,—at London, Cotton, Smith, and Bullayn; at Hull Taverner is noticed as trading with Italy and enjoying special freedom by royal licence; Thornton at Newcastle; the Jays, Sturmy, and notably the Cannynges at Bristol. William Cannynge the younger is said to have had one ship of 900 tons, and to have employed 800 men and ten ships with an aggregate tonnage of 2853 tons.

In the 15th century the society of ADVENTURERS, MERCHANT (q.v.) was first chartered (1406), though a greater antiquity is claimed for it. This body, trading with the Netherlands, Germany, and the Baltic coast, interfered with the previous monopoly of the Teutonic Hanse, which, however, still retained its privileges and factory at London. The fact that the Hanse trade supplied much needed and desired commodities-timber for ships and bows, iron, flax, and hemp, besides furs and Rhenish wine -undoubtedly led to this favour.

Another noteworthy feature is the increased number of COMMERCIAL TREATIES (q.v.) stipulating for reciprocal concessions to subjects of the contracting parties. Engagements of this kind were formed with Venice, the Hanse towns, Brittany, Castile, the Netherlands, and Denmark, the most remarkable being those of Utrecht with the Hanse in 1474, and the Intercursus Magnus (1496) which reopened the Netherlands trade after a suspension of two years.

The prejudice against foreign traders became very strong during the latter part of this century, and was still more intense in the next. English commerce had reached a turning-point; instead of simply supplying other countries with raw materials and taking in exchange finished articles, it was sought to preserve the home market for native produce and to place the carrying trade, so far as English imports and

merchants. The woollen manufacture, which had always existed in a rude form and had been improved by Flemish immigrants in the 12th and 14th centuries, was now in a position to export the coarser kinds of cloth. The commercial history of the time is powerfully affected by a movement towards what would now be called "protection." Not to mention many minor acts dealing with special cases, there is the well-known statute of 1463 (3 Ed. IV. c. iv.) prohibiting, by enumeration, the import of almost all wrought goods, "that the English artificers may have employment"; and though the statute was limited to the king's reign, it was in fact re-enacted in that of Richard III., and regarded so late as the 18th century as "the wisest piece of commercial legislation." The ideas of aiding the defence of the kingdom, as in the laws of 1408 and 1483, requiring the import of bowstaves by the Venetian traders, and of securing an abundance of commodities specially needed for the welfare of the people, were still prominent in the minds of statesmen.

These tendencies of English commercial policy were supported by changes in the outside world. The fall of the Greek empire (1453) and the later conquest of Egypt (1517), involving the decline of Italian commerce, altered the balance of commercial as of political power. The consolidation of the French and Spanish monarchies changed the older lines of English trade with those countries, and the opening up of the New World of America and India had a still greater effect. The trade with the Mediterranean, formerly in the hands of the Italians, was now so important as to lead to the appointment of a consul at Pisa, 1485 (confirmed 1490), and after the discovery of the Cape passage to India (1497), English trade with Portugal rapidly increased. The Guinea traffic was opened 1530, the North Sea voyage to Russia discovered 1553. The Levant commerce commenced 1550, the first LEVANT or TURKEY COMPANY (q.v.) was chartered 1581. Ten years later the first voyage to India was made, and 1600 the foundation of the EAST INDIA COMPANIES (q.v.) was laid.

The movement of English commerce is shown by the average amounts of imports and exports during the reign of Henry VIII., which fairly represent the first half of the 16th century; as estimated by Schanz, they are as follows:Imports, 10,060 tuns of wine; 3028 cwt. wax, making with other imports a total real value of £402,092, but officially estimated at £284,360. Exports, 98,132 pieces of cloth; 5785 sacks of wool; 14,056 hides; 4387 pieces of worsted; 8931 cwt. of tin, with other exports giving a total estimated value of £427,830, officially stated at £293,287. Comparing these figures with the returns for 1354 given above, the growth of the woollen industry is evident-in

[blocks in formation]

stead of unwrought wool it is cloth that is exported. Even in Flemish markets English competition was beginning to be felt during the 15th century, while the wider field that the Italian and Levant trade offered proved a further encouragement. The development of English export trade was aided by the monetary revolution of the 16th century. For a thousand years there had been no considerable addition to the amount of money in circulation, which at times had been even reduced. England had kept up its stock of money by trade with Flanders and the Italian cities, but the discovery of the mines of Mexico and Peru led to a continuous flow of bullion through Spain to the commercial centres of the Low Countries, where the rapid rise in prices stimulated the already-growing import of English products, since there was no rise of prices in England till 1570. The revolt of the Netherlands gave a further opportunity to English traders. The capture of Antwerp (1585) was a severe blow to its trade, most of which passed to Amsterdam and London, which during the preceding eighty years had been gradually gaining at the expense of other English ports. A large body of Flemish weavers emigrated to the eastern counties and increased the power of that district to produce for export. The closing of the London settlement of the Hanse (decreed 1552, finally carried out 1598), removing as it did the last trace of a time when the commerce of England was conducted by foreigners, is a significant mark of the opening of a new period.

The 17th century is pre-eminently the period of the MERCANTILE SYSTEM (q.v.) The tendencies which had been shown under the Tudors, and even earlier, to advance native industries by excluding foreign rivalry, now took the direction of encouraging exports, more especially of imitating the commercial development of Holland by securing markets and the CARRYING TRADE (q.v.) The commerce of this period was mainly carried on by companies, either joint stock or regulated, possessing in some cases monopolies of commerce with particular countries-the East India Companies of eastern traffic, the Merchant Adventurers of the German trade. There was a steady advance in business transacted, as the following short table proves.

[blocks in formation]

East India trade at the commencement of the century, and later the important trade to the American "Plantations." At first the energy and superior resources of the Dutch enabled them to secure the greater part of the additional commerce of Europe. The pamphlet writers of the period are agreed on the point, and they are probably correct. Notwithstanding this relative inferiority, the commerce of England was certainly prospering. The woollen industry, now established as the leading manufacture, was increasing its export. Indian trade replaced the older commerce with Italy in supplying Eastern products, but the trade with the Mediterranean, now carried on by the Levant Company, retained much of its importance. Sugar, tobacco, and such rude products as timber and hides, were imported from the American colonies in large quantities. In spite of national jealousy and wars, the direct trade with Holland was large; English goods being stored at Amsterdam to be reshipped in the cheaper Dutch vessels. The Navigation Laws (see NAVIGATION ACTS), sought to destroy the advantage of these rivals, and are generally held to have so far succeeded. A further instance of the same spirit is found in the complete prohibition of French goods (1678); and, though the measure expired at the death of Charles II., it was practically re-enacted after the Revolution. In other respects the policy of protection was developed, the export duty on wool replaced by a prohibition, and various foreign products, which might compete with English goods were either excluded or heavily taxed. Trade with Ireland and the colonies was subjected to restrictions with the double object of securing a market for home manufactures and a cheap supply of raw materials for native workers. In another direction, however, commerce was freed from restraint. The privileges of the companies were closely questioned and the monopoly of the Merchant Adventurers was removed. The old "Statutes of Employment,' prescribing the expenditure of money within the country, became obsolete, and the export of bullion was legalised (1663), a reform in which the advocates of the East India Company took a prominent part, since this trade was carried on by the export of silver to the East, where it was specially prized.

By the end of the century the exports to Holland had probably reached their highest point. In 1703 they amounted to £2,417,890 (i.e. over 36 per cent of the total), more than half (£1,339,526) being woollen goods. Trade with France was only possible by means of smuggling; the Methuen treaty with Portugal (1703) being expressly designed to give the wines of that country an advantage over competitors, of which the chief was France. The attempt to negotiate an Anglo-French commercial treaty (1714) was a failure, and the privileges given to England by the treaty of

« PreviousContinue »