hibit only the English system of thinking. The case, however, plainly requires, that the education of the country should not be restricted to these limits. The German order of thought especially, should be brought into combination with the English. And particularly might this seem to be demanded, by the German spirit of Pennsylvania.— Such a union, or marriage of these two different interests accordingly, is aimed at in the course of education established in Marshall college. The college has more of a German character, than any other in the country. This does not consist simply in the encouragement that is given to the study of the German language. It is of little account indeed to provide for the study of the language, as is done now in a number of American colleges, if the entire system of instruction at the same time, be exclusively English in its spirit and form. To make such study of any value, it must be surrounded, to some extent at least, with the life and power of German thought. It is in this sense, that Marshall college aspires to the distinction of being a German Institution. The English language forms of course the regular medium of instruction, as in all other American colleges. But the literature and philosophy of Germany are expected still to shed their influence largely on the whole course. At the same time provision is made for the delivery of lectures, in interesting departments of literature before the higher classes, in the German language itself; and on every alternate Sabbath the same language is employed in the religious services of the chapel. These exercises are all conducted in such a style as to be worthy of the highest cultivation of Germany itself; the language, under its finest form, serving its prsper purposes as a vehicle of rich instruction for the soul. In such circumstances, the study of the German language, as a part of the regular course in the lower classes, may be expected to proceed with due life and spirit. Every student finds himself urged to master it, at least so far as to be able to understand the German exercises of the Junior and Senior years; and this is an object which all can accomplish with very little difficulty. Then the exercises themselves prove subsequently the best help that could be had, for rendering the acquisition still more large and complete. It is not easy to conceive of circumstances, in an American Seminary more favorable to the cultivation of the German language and German literature, in a living and effective way.

Dr. Schaf, to whose hands the care of this interest may be said more immediately to fall, has probably no superior as a German scholar in this country.

There may be some probably, who still entertain the prejudice that whatever bears the German character and name, must be of inferior worth; to whom accordingly the advantage here urged in favor of the college at Mercersburg, will seem to have little weight. But the time of such ignorance, it is to be trusted, is fast passing away. It is coming to be generally understood, throughout the country, that to be at all thorough and complete, an education must now embrace some acquaintance with German learning. No modern language so well deserves to be studied as the German, in view simply of its own constitution and life. The claims of the French in comparison, are entitled to no respect whatever. But as a key to the literature and science of Germany, it is of course, more important still. Say what we may, the course of thought in the land of the Reformation forms

still an essential part of the main stream, in the onward flow of the world's true historical life; and it is perfectly idle to dream of a solid culture in art, science, or religion, where it is left out of view. The signs of the time show clearly, that this is likely to now to be felt and acknowledged more fully every year.

It may be proper to add, that where parents desire it, the student can be excused from studying the German. The course is as complete in other respects, as is usual in the best colleges of the country; while the opportunity is furnished at the same time for all to secure this accomplishment besides, under the most advantageous form.Such an opportunity, it is believed, few intelligent parents will be disposed to undervalue.

8th. It may be noticed lastly, in recommendation of Marshall college, that the expenses, to which a student is subjected in the institution, are low. By referring to the statement of the terms and rates, it will be seen that the cost of an education is brought within the. compass of the most moderate means.

In the early days of this county, Smith's (Mercersburg) was an important place, where an extensive trade was carried on with the Indians and first settlers on the western frontier. It was nothing uncommon to see here from fifty to one hundred pack horses in a row, laden with salt, iron, and other commodities, for the Monongahela country.

In the life and travels of Colonel James Smith, an interesting incident, having some relation to this place, is mentioned.-The King's proclamation was then circulated, prohibiting any person from trading with the Indians until further orders.

Notwithstanding all this, about the 1st of March, 1765, a number of wagons loaded with Indian goods, and warlike stores, were sent from Philadelphia to Henry Pollen's, Conococheague, and from thence, seventy pack horses were loaded with goods, in order to be carried to Fort Pitt. This alarmed the country, and Mr. William Duffield raised about fifty armed men, and met the pack horses at the place where Mercersburg now stands. Mr. Duheld desired the employers to store up their goods and not proceed until further orders. They made light of this, and went over the North Mountain, where they lodged in a small valley called the Great Cove. Mr. Duffield and his party followed after, and came to their lodging, and again urged them to store up their goods he reasoned with them of the impropriety of their proceedings, and the great danger the frontier inhabitants would be exposed to, if the Indians now should get a supply: he said, it was well known that they had scarcely any ammunition, and were almost naked, to supply them now would be a kind of murder, and would be illegally trading at the expense of the blood and treasure of the frontiers. Notwithstanding his powerful reasonings, these traders made game of what he said, and would only answer him by ludicrous burlesque.

When I beheld this, and found that Mr. Duffield would not compel them to store up their goods, I collected ten of my old warriors, that I had formerly disciplined in the Indian way, went off privately after night, and encamped in the woods. The next day, Smith and his men brought the traders to their own terms-prevented them from carrying the goods to their place of destination—Incidents of Border Life, &c. p. 61 and 62, as published by Joseph Pritts, Esq.

CHAPTER XXXII.

LOUDON.

Loudon-Numerous incidents at, &c.-Gen. Forbes here, writes to Gov. Denny-Smith and others assaulted Indian traders—Assault Major Grant-Letters showing the "spirit of the time," viz: Grant's and other letters-Singular advertisement-Thomas Gage's letter-Callender's letter.

Loudon, a post town in Peters township, on the turnpike road from Chambersburg to Pittsburg, twelve miles from Chambersburg and five from McConnells town, near the base of the Cove mountain, contains about seventy dwellings, several stores and taverns, and one church and school house. It is in a highly inproved limestone valley, bounded by mountains from 900 to 1200 feet high. Here or near was formerly the site of a fort, one of a line of forts during the French and Indian war. Some of the prominent military characters of that day were here occasionally. Numerous are the incidents that transpired here and in its vicinity, of which however, little has been preserved except by "doubtful, uncertain, and conflicting tradition," upon which one cannot safely rely. The earliest records, and subsequently printed accounts, seem to be discrepant. Passing by many traditions, I have preferred to present the reader extracts from public records, and let ters, written at the time, and carefully preserved in the Secretary's office at Harrisburg.

Captain Thompson, in a letter to Col. Armstrong, under date at Loudon, April 7, 1758, mentions the arrival of forty Cherokee Indians at Fort Loudon, and that more were daily expected, and desires Governor Denny's immediate directions, in what manner the Indians were to be treated and how to be supplied, as they had come without arms or clothes. These Indians had come for the general service of the colonies.-Votes Assem. iv. 816.

General Forbes, on his way to Fort Du Quesne, to expel the French and their savage allies from the frontiers, while here addressed a letter to Gov. Denny, urging the importance of a hearty co-operation of the governor and people of the province of Pennsylvania, to ensure success against the enemy. On the 9th of September, 1758, he wrote the governor, "Every thing is ready for the army's advancing; but that I cannot do, unless I have a sufficient quantity of provisions in the magazines at Raystown." Soon afterwards he steadily advanced till he reached Fort Du Quesne, which the French evacuated, Nov. 24, 1758.

It has been stated that Smith brought certain Indian traders to his terms. The next day, says Smith, as usual we backed and painted, and waylaid them near Sidelong hill. I scattered my men about forty

rods along the side of the road, and ordered every two to take a tree, and about eight or ten rods between each couple, with orders to keep a reserve fire, one not to fire until his comrade had loaded his gunby this means we kept up a constant, slow fire upon them, from front to rear. We there heard nothing of these traders merriment or burlesque. When they saw their pack horses falling close by them, they called out "pray, gentlemen, what would you have us to do!" The reply was, collect all your loads to the front, and unload them in one place; take your private property, and immediately retire. When they were gone, we burnt what they left, which consisted of blankets, shirts, vermillion, lead, beads, wampum, tomahawks, scalping knives, and so forth.

The traders went back to Fort Loudon, and applied to the commanding officer there, and got a party of Highland soldiers, and went with them in quest of the robbers, as they called us, and without applying to a magistrate, or obtaining any civil authority, but barely upon suspicion, they took a number of creditable persons prisoners, (who were chiefly not any way concerned in this action) and confined them in the guard-house in Fort Loudon. I then raised three hundred riflemen, marched to Fort Loudon, and encamped on a hill in sight of the fort. We were not long there, until we had more than double as many of the British troops prisoners in our camp, as they had of our people in the guard-house. Captain Grant, a Highland officer, who commanded Fort Loudon, then sent a flag of truce to our camp, where we settled a cartel, and gave them above two for one, which enabed us to redeem all our men from the guard-house, without further difficulty.

After this Captain Grant kept a number of rifle guns, which the Highlanders had taken from the country people, and refused to give them up. As he was riding out one day, we took him prisoner, and detained him until he delivered up the arms; we also destroyed a large quantity of gun powder that the traders had stored up, lest it might be conveyed privately to the Indians. The king's troops, and our party had now got entirely out of the channel of the civil law, and many unjustifiable things were done by both parties. This convinced me more than ever I had been before. of the the absolute necessity of the civil law, in order to govern mankind.

The following letters &c., containing much of interest are here introduced as showing the state of affairs and exhibiting the "spirit of the time."

Carlisle, June 1st 1765.

I received letters from Lieutenant Grant, commanding at Fort Loudon, complaining much of some late insult received from the rioters near that post. He says, on the 28th ult. (May) he was taking the air on horse back; and about half a mile from his post, was surrounded by five of the rioters, who presented their pieces at him. The person who commanded them, calling to them to shoot the bugger-that one of them fired at him, frightened his horse, that he ran into the bushes and occasioned his being thrown upon the ground. They then dis armed him, carried him fifteen miles into the woods, and threatened to tie him to a tree, and let him perish, if he would not give them up some arms, which, by his orders were taken from the first party of rioters, that had appeared ot his post.

* A party alluded to in March, 1765,

When he saw that they were determined to put their threats in execution, he thought it was best to promise them their arms; and was made to give security, to deliver them up in five weeks, under a penalty of forty pounds, which being obtained in that manner certainly cannot be binding.

Mr. Grant has also sent me a copy of a very singular advertisement," which was found posted up by the rioters, at some distance from his post; which I have taken the liberty to enclose.

The express, who brought the dispatches from Loudon, tells me, he was stopped by some of these fellows on the road, who would have tak en his letters from him; but being armed with a broadsword, and his companion having a pistol, they stood on their defence and would not submit.

Fort Loudon, June 4th, 1765.

The first rendezvous of the rioters was at Justice Smith's about five miles from Fort Loudon, the 6th day of March last. From thence they followed the first convoy of goods, consisting of eighty-one horse loads twelve miles further, and burned and pillaged sixty-three loads. Capt. Callender applied to Lieut. Grant for a sergeant and twelve men,which he agreed to, who saved the remaining loads chiefly consisting of liquor; and made some of the rioters prisoners, who were afterwards released upon bail, and took eight rifles; in all which Lieut. Grant is justified by Brig. Bouquet, in his letter of the 14th of March, who desires him to keep the rifles in his possession till the owners names shall be found out, which was accordingly done.

Lieut. Grant, in his letter to Brigadier Bouquet of the 9th of March,

* ADVERTISEMENT. These are to give notice to all our Loyal Volunteers, to those that has not yet enlisted, you are to come to our Town and come to our Tavern and fill your Bellys with Liquor and your Mouth full of swearing and you will have your pass, but if not your Back must be whipt and your mouth be gagged; you need not be discouraged at our last disappointment, for our Justice did not get the goods in their hands as they expected, or we should all have a large Bounty; but our Justice has wrote to the Governor and every thing clear on our side and we will have Grant the officer whip'd or Hang'd, and then we will have orders for the goods so we need not stop, what we have a mind and will do for the Governor will pardon our crimes, and the Clergy will give us absolution and the country will stand by us, so we may do what we please for we have Law and Government in our hands and we have a large sum of money raised for our sup. port, but we must take care that it will be spent in our Town, for our Justice gives us, and that have a mind to join us, free toleration for drinking, swearing, Sabbath breaking and any outrage what we have a mind to do, to let those strangers know their place-It was first Posses (Black's Town) and we now move it to Squire Smith's Town, and now I think I have a right to call it, and will still remain till our pleasure, and we call it Hells town in Cumberland county the 25th May 1765. Peters' Township.

Your scripture says that the Devil is the Father of sins, but I assure this is the plain truth what I say.

you

God bless our brave Loyal Volunteers and success to Hellstown— Prov. Rec. T. 65-66.