of her children. They should be made to feel that they are specially interested in preserving her honor and protecting her rights. Much should be made of those holidays which celebrate some event in her history. We have become too cool in our celebration of such memorable events as the Signing of the Declaration of Independence. Business, money-making, Mammon, has almost crowded out the day. This is all wrong. Let us revive the memory of these days and all others that tend to beget in our children that pride in our government which ever acts as the bulwark of the nation's liberty. Let the days of '76 not be forgotten by our boys and girls. Let us make our hearts young again by entering with them into. the celebration of these days with our old enthusiasm, and we shall be able to inspire in them a love for our country which shall ever be her surest safeguard in time of danger.

CHAPTER XX.

UNIVERSAL EDUCATION NECESSARY.

T is well known that in most of the States of our

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Union a public or free-school system exists. We pride ourselves on the advantages offered by these schools to children of all classes. They have been the boast of our eloquent orators ever since they were called into existence. Our historians have never failed to call attention to this feature of our government; and yet, with all, it may be questioned whether we have not overrated our educational standing as a nation.

In countries in which free schools do not exist, education is to a great extent the privilege of the wealthy few. Money alone purchases it, and of course those not possessing the necessary means must remain uneducated. Examples are plentiful all around us among those of the subjects of royalty who have sought an asylum in our republic. True, there are a few monarchies which lay special stress on the education of their citizens; but they are very few. Yet I think sometimes that we are inclined to praise our own country too highly and give others too little credit. In China, for instance, a country which we have been accustomed to regard as one of the lowest educationally, liberal culture, especially in literature, is made a part of the necessary preparation for

holding office. It is said that the cultivation of literature is professedly the only channel of introduction to advancement in the State and to the acquisition of office, rank, and honors. Necessarily the number of students becomes great, and a taste for letters is almost universally diffused. Schools are found in every village, and the best education may be procured on the most moderate terms. Public examinations are held twice a year and presents are distributed to the most deserving. A grand national college named Han-lin-yen is located at Pekin. It is supported by the government, and its members consist of the chief literati of the empire. Works on literary history, criticism, and biography are numerous. M. Abel-Remusat says: "There is not a nation, even in Europe, that has so many books, books so well made, so commodious for consultation, and at so low a price." Their imperial geography alone forms 260 volumes in quarto, with maps and plans. Among the topics embraced in it are topography, hydrography, monuments, antiquities, natural curiosities, industry, commerce, agriculture, productions, government, general history, biography, and bibliography. Real science and literature are, however, at a low ebb, because nothing but the old-established principles are taught. But, after all, is not their example a good one in requiring culture before intrusting in the hands of the applicant the office he seeks? It is an interesting question and worthy at least some consideration. It needs no argument with those who understand the way in which our public offices are filled, nor with those who

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have measured the capacity of our office-holders, to show that our condition is susceptible of improvement.

I have not the space nor do I wish to enter into a prolonged discussion of this question here, but there are many arguments which might be cited to show the desirableness, if not the necessity, of universal education. on the grounds of good citizenship alone. Our government is of course better than the Chinese, in that it is republican, offering the same facilities nominally to rich and poor; and for this very reason we should insist the more strenuously on the education of all our citizens. We know not who among us may be called to fill positions of honor or trust. It may fall to your lot or mine; it may fall to the lot of the most humble individual among us. The distribution of public offices is peculiarly uncertain. It were better that merit and fitness should always govern in the selection of officers; but since they do not, let us have all prepared to assume the duties of such offices as they may be called upon to fill. Let us at least feel that all who are entitled to the ballot according to the requirements of our government, are prepared to vote understandingly. If there are voters now who are led to the polls as oxen to the slaughter, it is so much the more necessary that those whom we are training to control the affairs of government hereafter, be educated, not one-tenth nor one-half of them, but all. It will not mend matters for political parties to cry "Fraud!" to each other; the mistake lies to a great extent in the misdirected and imperfect education of the past, and it is for the sober, thoughtful parents and

teachers of the present generation to avoid this mistake in the future.

However much we may boast of our free schools and the good they have done, it is certain that education is by no means universal. Now, how can we remedy the defects? Can it be done by compulsory attendance? Whatever the arguments in favor of compulsory attendance, it is doubtful whether it could lay claims to making education universal, although it might do much towards bringing about such a result. Can it be done by making

There is no doubt that

education the basis of suffrage? this would have great force. Of course there are grave objections arising which would make it inexpedient to put a measure of this kind in force suddenly. It were better to adopt it with the proviso, that after a specified time the law shall go into operation. In this way none of those who now enjoy the right of suffrage would be deprived of any of their privileges. Thus, establishing an educational basis for suffrage, it is believed that all American citizens and those desirous of becoming such would educate not only themselves but also their chil-` dren. It would operate in this country much as the Chinese requirement of literary culture in public officers, by securing the education of the masses. I throw out the thought for the consideration of my readers, and I ask them to give it some attention. It is a question which affects the welfare of the whole republic, and on it in a great measure depends the stability of our government.

It is not long since it was thought unnecessary to edu cate girls. Indeed there are sections of our own State