HAZARD'S REGISTER OF BEVOTED TO THE PRESERVATION OF EVERY KIND OF USEFUL INFORMATION RESPECTING THE STATE. VOL. VIII.-NO. 10. EDITED BY SAMUEL HAZARD. INDIAN HISTORY. - PHILADELPHIA, SEPT. 3, 1831. [FROM THE PEMBERTON MANUSCripts.] [Continued from page 130.] To the Honourable Wm. Denny, Esq. Lieutenant Go. vernor, and Commander in Chief of the Province of Pennsylvania, &c, and to the Honourable John Forbes, Esq. Brigadier General and Commander of his Majesty's army in the said Province, &c. The report of Charles Thompson and Christian Frederick Post, Messengers, appointed to go into the Indian country. on the northern frontiers of the said province. May it please your Honours, NO. 192. alarmed our Indians, they pressed us to turn back with this company, and make all haste to Fort Allen, and two of them would go and invite Teedyuscung to come to us there. This we objected against on the account of loosing time, and proposed following what had been at mink Hills, within 7 or 8 miles of the place, and there first agreed upon, that was, to go forward to the Wyowait till two of the company went forward, and informed Teedyuscung of our coming and know of him whether it would be safe to go to the town. The Indians we met thought it dangerous to proceed any farther as they had seen fresh tracks crossing the path in two or three places between this and the town and at one place not half a mile from where we then were. Upon this it was proposed and agreed upon to go back to the east side of the hill, and there lodge to night, till two of our Indians went and invited Teedyuscung to come and meet us. And the friendly Indians we met agreed to stay with us till he came up. From farther conversation with one of the company, after we had been sometime together, we were informed that 200 of the Six nations had set out with a resolution to go to war against the English, that he and his company had seen 60 of them and that 6 of his company were discouraged and turned back, none of his company he said, understood their language, but they made signs that they were go On Wednesday June 7th, 1758, having received the messages for the Indians, and instructions from the Governor, we set out for Wyomink, next day we reached Bethlehem, having engaged on the road, Moses Tetamy and Isaac Still to accompany us. From Bethlehem we took three other Indians, and on Friday arrived at Fort Allen. As we had been informed on the road of some bad news sent to the Governor by the captain at Fort Allen, we enquired the particulars, and were informed that on Tuesday last two Indians, Aquelin and John Philips, came to the Fort express from Teedyuscung at Wyomink, to let them know that on Sundaying against the Minisinks. last were seen a party of enemy Indians, about 78 in Next day between 11 and 12 o'clock, Teedyuscung number, directing their course towards the Minisinks. with Tepiskahung, Capt. Augustus, Sam Evans and This discouraged our Indian companions and as they David came to us. At first we expostulated with Teehad been all along against our going into the Indian dyuscung about the road being shut, and told him that country, this made them much more averse to it, though we were come with good words to all the Inwhereupon we called them together next morning and dians, we could not go to his town to deliver them; he made them acquainted with the purport of our messages said it was not his fault. We put him in mind that the and the necessity of our going. With this they were road had been opened by a belt of Wampum from Wyosatified, and it was concluded we should go. And hav-ming to us, and that it was his business to keep it open ing settled every thing regarding the way and manner we should travel, we left Fort Allen, about 12 o'clock and crossing the Neshamewatehual and Quekeek mountains, we lodged all together about 12 miles from the Fort. from his town to Fort Allen, as we kept it open from Fort Allen to Easton or Philadelphia. We further took notice that it was the custom of all nations to suffer messengers of peace to go backwards and forwards safe and unmolested, that unless this was practised two naOn Sunday morning we set forward pretty early and tions once at war could never be at peace again. To by 12 o'clock reached the Nescopekun mountains, with this Teedyuscung replied that what we said was right, in 14 or 15 miles of Wyomink. Here we met 9 Indians but that the Six Nations, not him, had blocked up this travelling down to Bethlehem. They left Wyomink the road; that 200 of them had gone to war in different day before and had been six days from Chenango, a parties; that they had passed through several towns on town of the Nanticokes on Susquehanna, about half way the Susquehanna, that at these towns the Delawares enbetween Owegey and Ossewingo, there was one Nanti deavoured as much as in them lay, to dissuade them coke, a son of Capt. White, one Munsey Captain, one from going to war against the English, but they would Delaware, and four Mawhiccous and two squaws. not hear them, that these 200 were chiefly of the Upon meeting with them we spoke and enquired the Seneka Nation, and from three towns that lay near the news, and from several questions asked, we learned that French, that the reason they assigned for their going to Teedyuscung was weli and at Wyomink, that all was war with the English was, that about 3 years ago a party quiet among the Nanticokes, that their principal men of their warriors went against the Catawabas, and upon were at the Council at Onondago which was not yet their return entered the settled parts of Virginia, where broke up; that Backsinosa was still at Seekaughkunt, a white man in a friendly manner invited them to his but that he was preparing to go somewhere he said to house, and having got them there, sent in the night and his own country, that they heard of no body of Indians collected a number of his neighbours and fell upon going southward. Being informed of our going to the party and killed them all except one man, who esWyomink with good news to all the Indians, they told caped; for this they had not yet taken a full revenge; us they thought it was by no means safe for us to pro-they said they had heard the words Teedyuscung had ceed, that strange Indians were thick in the woods about Wyomink; that a party was seen but four days ago, whose language none of the Delawares understood, nor did they know of what nation they were. This VOL. VIII. 20 sent them, but they were now out and would not turn back, but would strike the English this one time more, and after they had given them this one.blow, then if they found the English still of the same disposi tion Teedyuscung represented them; they would never strike them more; but that if they made peace with them, yet it was not that they themselves might be quiet, for then they would turn their hatchets against the French. The Delawares then told them if they were resolved to go to war against the English, and would not turn back they must take some other way, for that all the people down the Susquehanna were at peace with them. The war party then agreed not to proceed on that path, nor willingly to hurt the people of Pennsylvania, but as they might miss their way and contrary to their inclination fall in with them, they insisted that some of them should show them another way; whereupon | a Munsey Captain named Yaghkapose, (the same who headed the party that lay above Fort Allen, at the Easton treaty, in 1756) undertook to show them the way and having put them in the path to the Minisinks, he returned home again. From one of these parties a few Shawnese,upon hearing that the English were building a fort at Wyomink, went down to see whether it was so, and these were they that killed the young man, when the workmen were there. Teedyuscung farther told us that a report had prevailed among the Indians up the Susquehanna and through the Seneka country and along the Allegheny, that the English were building a Fort at Wyomink, with 800 men, that this was confirmed by the Shawnese party that had been down; that upon this they immediately held a council to consult what should be done. At this it was proposed that some one should go and know for certain whether it was really so, and boldly ask the English what they meant. Though this seemed dangerous, yet one Welameghihink (Georges Hays) a Wanami, who lives in a town of the Senekas near the French Fort at Niagara, and is a Captain on the Ohio under Tessawhenund the Chief of all the Delawares on the Allegheny, offered to go, though it should cost him his life. Not many days after the English left Wyomink, he came there and was informed of the true state of affairs, and three days ago left that in order to return and inform the Indians thereof. He it was, that brought down the foregoing intelligence, which was confirmed by these Indians from Chenango. Teadyuscung said that Wellameghehink further informed him that the French at Niagara were in great want of provisions, that they had applied to the Senekas to supply them, telling them that the English had stopped the mouth of their river so that no provisions could he brought up to them, and the therefore they were obliged to apply to their children the Indians for some; that hereupon the Indian squaws from the Seneka towns near the Fort were employed in carrying them Indian corn, which they sold at a great price, and so eager were the French to get it tha: the officers,when they heard the squaws were coming, used to go and meet them, and in order to encourage them to bring more, would pull off their cloaths and even their shirts,to give them to the Indians,that the soldiers used to parch the Indian corn and then pound it and mixing it with a little water, drink it, and this was all they had to live upon. After dinner we told Teedyuscung our orders were to deliver our message at Wyomink; that being dissuaded from going farther, we had stopped here, and sent to desire him to come to us, and now he was come, we desired to know what we should do. He said he was glad we did not come to him, that he had seen fresh tracks as he came along, and he thought it best we should deliver the messages here. Whereupon we sat down, and taking out the Belts and Strings, delivered the messages distinctly. After they had been read and interpreted once, in order to impress them deeper in his mind, we gave him the substance of each Belt and String in other words, and then entered into a conversation on every part. By this means, every thing being repeated again, he seemed to comprehend every part and to be much pleased with the whole. With respect to the Cherokees he said, if the messenger should se cover and be inclined to see him, he might come by the way of Bethlehem, and from thence some Indians would conduct him and his company safe up to Wyomink. On the Belt to remove the uneasiness respecting the settlement of Wyomink, he said he hoped that was already removed, or would be upon the return of Welameghihink and his company, which consisted of thirty men from several towns of the Six Nations, The Seneka Belt, and that to all the Nations, he was much pleased with; and said he did not doubt but the first would bring many down, and the latter give general satisfaction. As to calling together the parties about Wyomink and knowing their business, he did not know how that could be done, as neither he nor any of his people understood the language of some of the parties; but that he would do what he could in that matter, and what intelligence he could gain he would send down by Sam Evans. Of Essoweyowallund, or Daniel, he said he had not yet heard any thing; but the other messenger Welameghighink, or James, he heard was on his way down, and he expected him at Wyoraink in three days. We then told him, that as the government had these things much at heart, and sincerely desired to see a peace with the Indians established on a sure and lasting foundation, we were sent up with these messages, both to convince the Indians of the sincerity of the English, and that they might be well and fully explained to them. And that our orders were, after we had delivered them to him and his people at Wyomink, to proceed farther with the messengers Teedyuscung should send along, and carry these Belts to the other Nations. He said it had often been asked by the Senekas, why none of the English accompanied the messages sent to them. We told him, there would hereafter be no occasion for such a question-we were now ready to go, and would set out with those he sent along as soon as he pleased. On this he was silent. We then told him, if he had any doubts, he might take time to consider it; and that we would proceed with him to Wyomink and lodge there to night, and this we were the rather inclined to do as his messenger was soon expected, by whom we hoped to hear some agreeable news, which we would transmit to the governor. After musing some time, he said he thought we could by no means proceed to the Seneca country that way, as many parties were out, that he imagined the safer way would have been by Albany to Onondaga. We mentioned to him what the Six Nation chiefs had said at the treaty at Lancaster last summer, by which it appeared to us that that way was not proper, inasmuch as the Senekas were the door of the Six Nations to the westward, as the Mohawks were to the eastward; and we told him, that their advice then to us was to apply immediately to the Senekas, and by a Belt to invite them down, which we now wanted to do. He said before we could go with safety a road should be opened, at least for messengers, and he thought it would be well if that was done at the ensuing treaty. We again mentioned our going up to Wyomink, and staying there till his messenger came in, or at least this night. Whereupon, after consulting his council he took out some Strings of Wampum, and by two forbid us to go any farther, for fear of some mischief befalling us; by two more, he expressed his uneasiness least some of the white people in pursuing the enemy Indians, that were on our frontiers, should come as far as where he lived and fall upon him and his people. By three other Strings, he requested of the government some provisions, and especially Indian corn, by the way of Shamokin, from which place his young men could easily bring it up in canoes. He likewise desired to be supplied with some ammunition. As we found we must return from thence, we endeavoured to gain some more intelligence, and asked him if he had any news from the westward. He said he was further informed by Welameghihink, that Hans Jacob, his (Teedyuscung's) son, and one Hamet, another In dian, had been on a scout to Fort du Quesne, that they had surprized two French men and shot them, at a small distance from the fort; that the one was killed dead on the spot, but the other escaped on horse-back to the fort, where he no sooner entered than he fell down and died. Upon this the commander of the fort called the Senekas together, and told them the Catawbas had struck him. Soon after another Indian, from Fort Au gusta, being on a scout near the French fort, killed another Frenchman. The commander again called the chiefs of the Senekas together, and told them the Catawbas had struck him again. Hereupon the Senekas said, why do you say the Catawbas have struck you? It is not the Catawbas, but your children the Delawares. At hearing this, the commander was very angry, and sent for the two chiefs of the Delawares, Tessawhenand and Cuthapanecamen, and complained of them in harsh terms. When the dispute grew warm, Tessawhenand told the conmander he behaved like an Old Woman, to make so much noise about three men, and not to consider how many he had made him lose. But though the bones of so many of his lay scattered up and down in the woods, and all through his means, yet he made no noise about it-the Frenchman never heard him complain. When the French commander still went on complaining-Tessawhenand told him, if he had any thing on his mind to speak out, and not scold any more like a woman. The commander, who was now very angry, told him if he did not punish the Delawares he should die. At this Tessawhenand started up, and taking the commander by the hand, said: Now you speak like a man-you say I shall die. But I now tell you I will not die alone-you shall die also. The English are coming up; and as soon us they strike you on one side, I will strike you on the other. Wellameghihink said, he imagined that before this they had come to blows. The two chiefs had, before he came, ordered their people to separate from the French, and consulted together how to be revenged. They proposed two schemes, one of which they agreed to follow. One was, to wait till the English came up, and then fall on the French-the other was to pretend a reconciliation, and having a party of men ready, to take an opportunity and rush into the fort and drive the French out, and then burn the fort; and this they think they can easily do. But before they took any step of that sort, they thought it necessary to know the truth of the reports respecting the English-what their design was in building at Wyoming -whether it was for themselves or for the Indians—and whether they were willing to make peace with all the Indians, as they had been informed. And in order to know this, Wellameghihink was dispatched away. We next inquired how the Chief Man of the Senekas was affected to the English. He said the Chief Man was our friend. We then asked him, how it came to pass that his young men came down to war against the English. He said these warriors came from some towns near the French; that they were therefore in the French interest, and the Chief Man had little inAuence over them. We were farther informed, that when these 200 came out to war, the chief man of the Senekas, Tageghshata, called a council, and complaining that the young men did not regard him-that he was no more than an Old Woman among them-that he saw a great number of his young men going past his door, with hatchets in their hands, but that he did not know where they were going, and he feared this would be the cause of mischief. The Munsey Captain we met, and who came with us down to Bethlehem, said he was at the council and heard Tageghshata make his speeeh. From farther inquiry amongst the Indians, we had some intimation that the Seneka Nation were in general dissatisfied with this government, from something that happened in a treaty with Sir William Johnson, Soon after Sir William received the commission to negotiate Indian affairs, he called a Council of all the Nations. To this a great number came. He then told 147 them, that the King bad at several times sent over large presents to the Indians, of which they had been cheated by the governments to which they were sent, but that it should not be so any more; that he was now the only man that had power to treat with the Indians, and that he would see them righted. This, as it awakened the jealousy of the Indians, raised in them a direspect for the other governments, as they imagined they had no authority to treat, and that councils or treaties held with them were of no significancy. Besides, a report was very generally propagated among the Senekas, but by whom was uncertain, that the King had sent large presents for the Indians to Pennsylvania, which the government of Pennsylvania had appropriated to their own use. And as the road of communication between this government and the Senekas had been for some time shut, and no free intercourse between them and us-no means was used to remove this groundless report till it became universally believ ed, and the nation in general exasperated against the Pennsylvanians; and this was thought to be one reason why the Chief Man, though more inclined to the English than the French, and though he had kept himself and his town quiet, yet has used little care to restrain those who had any inclination to go to war with us. We next inquired of Teedyuscung what he had heard of the prisoners-whether we might hope to see them soon returned. He told us, that a few days ago one Nenachechunt, a chief of one of the towns on the Allegheny, had come to him at Wyomink, to know whether the English were willing to to include him in the peace, and whether Teedyuscung desired the prisoners should be returned. And being assured of the truth of both these articles, he said there were a good many prisoners in his town, and he would take care they should be restored; and that he and his people would come down and settle with Teedyuscung at Wyomink. But from what we learned from the Indians, the case of the pri soners is this: All that are taken are looked upon by the Indians as the private property of the captors; and are either given away to those families who have lost any men in the war, or are sold to others as we do slaves. And many of those that have been taken, we are informed, have been sold and bought several times. Now, as the Indians have no public fund to redeem them out of the hands of private persons, and as we have none of their people prisoners to exchange for them, it will be next to impossible to procure the return of the prisoners, without offering a price for them, and redeeming them ourselves. We also asked if he had heard any thing more of the 800 Northern Indians that was said to be going to fight the Cherokees. He said he thought and was assured that the report was altogether groundless, for he had enquired both of Wellameghihink and Nenachechunt, and of these who came down from Chenango, and none of them bad heard any thing of that; and had there been any truth in it, Wellameghihink or Nenachechunt must have met them, as they came up the Allegheny, the very road the party must have taken. As it now grew late, and it was considered we could not go forward, we thought it best to return back part of the way, especially as our provisions began to grow scarce, and there was no pasture for the horses in the place we now were. As we were preparing to set out, Teedyuscung came to us and asked whether Mr. Hughes had delivered to the governor the French colour which he (Teedyuscung) had taken from Bill Sock, we told him we did not know; he then desired us to ask the governor whether he had received them, and whether he had given Bill Sock those colours, or whether he kept two sorts of colours. He sail if the governor had two sorts of colours and gave one sort to one Indian, and another sort to another, it would breed confusion. As we were just ready to take horse, Gabriel Loquus an Indian, and his family whom we had left at Fort Allen, came up. As some of our company, which was now increased to 14 were gone, we took leave and set forward, leaving three or four to follow at a small distance behind us. When we stopt at night we found two of our company missing, and upon inquiry found that Gabriel Loquus had brought up with him some spirit. uous liquors, and Isaac Still who was one of those behind, said he heard the king proposing to drink before they went any farther, and that seeing them go to drink he hastened away, and this he supposed had detained our two companions. Tuesday in the afternoon we arrived at Fort Allen, the prospect of which was hid from us till we came just upon it by bushes growing on the bank of the river. Here we inquired where Gabriel Loquus was supplied with liquor, and were informed that he had been down at one Bowman's who lives about five miles on this side the Fort, and had got it there. In our way down, one of us called at Hans Tetter Bowman's, and was there informed by Evan Bowan, a soldier of Captain Bull's company, that this Bowman had on Saturday last let Gabriel Loquus have about five gallons of whiskey, Bowman himself acknowledged his having supplied him with between three or four gallons. When the ill consequences of selling the Indians strong liquor, and the breach of the law were represented to him, he said he had made a present of it, and that he would do the same again, and that no body could prevent his doing what he pleased with his own. The ill consequences that will we apprehend attend this man's supplying Loquus with liquor at this time are, that with these four or five gallons of whiskey, Teedyuscung and his people will be made drunk, and consequently incapable of calling together the scattered parties about Wyomink, and should messengers arrive from the other Indian towns as was daily expected, he will be incapable of receiving the news they bring and despatching messengers to this government as he promised. We would farther observe that it was this same Gabriel Loquus who made the messengers drunk, who were not long ago despatched from this government to the Alleghany, and that he is often employed in carrying the Indians spirituous liquors, which the neighbours say he is supplied with by Bowman. Swaine with the same intelligence, that he might inform the people of the Jerseys. At Mr. Horse field's we met one Captain Neilson of the Provincials, who after expressing himself with great bitterness against Teedy uscung, declared that if he met Teedyuscung or any of his people in any of the courses he should be ordered to take, let them come on what occasion or with what pretence soever, he would kill them without asking any questions. He was also inquisitive to know in how many days a party of stout active men could go to Wyomink, and expressed himself. as if he had a desire to send out a party to destroy that town. When we remonstrated against such a step be ing taken against friendly Indians who had the faith of the government plighted to them for their security, and a town built by the government, he wished that the Indians had scalped but not killed all those who went up with Mr. Hughes, that thereby they and others might be convinced we had no friends among the Indians. Upon this we parted. And having paid the Indians who went up with us, we left Bethlehem on Thursday, and that evening returned to Philadelphia. We have only to add that all the Indians are removed from Diahogo and Owego, that Backsinose, with about 100 men, lives yet at Seekaughkunt, that the Nanticoke tribe has but about 50 fighting men, and that they live chiefly at Chenango. The short stay we made in the Indian country, made it impossible for us to know as much of the state of the Indian tribes as we could have wished. However we neglected no opportunity of informing ourselves as far as we could, and have endeavoured to give you a full account of all the intelligence gained by us. We are, your humble servants, CHA. THOMPSON, CHRN. FREDERICK POST. A GOOD EXAMPLE. We are glad to find that many of our citizens are beginning to talk about, and in several places have actually commenced great improvements in some of the leading roads to Philadelphia through this county. The necessity of such a measure has long been telt, and since so much exertion is used around us to draw the travelling public, it is more particularly requested that something should be done, and that right early. On the York Road, the enterprise of a few individuals has materially improved Buckingham Hill, and the hill near Willow Grove, called Sampson's Hill, by reducing very considerably, the elevation. These improvements are all praiseworthy and reflect credit upon the public spirit of those concerned. They are, however, calculated to diminish the travel upon the Easton Road, and should the new State Road from Easten to Willow Grove be opened, its effects would be at once seen and felt. With these facts presented, some of the citizens of Plumstead have laudably undertaken to break ground towards doing something for the Easton Road, which is decidedly the nearest route, and with the exception of a few hills, the best. Last week the supervisor of the township above named, commenced improving Dyer's Hill, and spent as much labour upon it as he conceived the people of the township would justify. The citizens then took it in hand, and voluntarily contributed in labor and money, sufficient to reduce the elevation of the hill several feet. They appointed a committee, consisting of James Moore, Wm. Rich, John Dyer, Squire On our way down to Bethlehem, the Munsey Captain, named Kelkapugh or Isaac, told us he had a complaint to send by us to Philadelphia about some lands in the Minisinks, of which he said he had been defrauded and about which he had been complaining about these twen. ty years without receiving any redress. As he told us his land lay on the west side of Delaware, we let him know that at the last treaty Teedyascung had in the name of all the Indians complained about the lands in this province, and had agreed that this matter should be left to the determination of the king and his council. We therefore desired him to wait a little longer till the king's determination was known, and he might depend upon having justice done him. He said that several of the Munsey's, and mentioned in particular some of his own relations, had been dispossessed of large tracts of land in the Jerseys without ever receiving any consideration for them. We told him that we had now carried up belts to the Indians, and as he himself heard had invited all who are willing to be at peace with us, to a general treaty; that his nation was invited as well as others, and we therefore desired him to press his great men to come down, and then if any one thought himself wronged in any thing or had any thing on his mind, he should then make it known, and by that means all un-Thomas and John Poulton, to solicit contributions of easiness would be removed, every thing adjusted to satisfaction, and peace and friendship between the English and Indians established on a sure and lasting foundation, with this he seemed to be well pleased. At Fort Allen we acquainted Captain Bull of the party that was going against the Minisinks, that he might send and give notice thereof. And as soon as we arrived at Bethlehem, a letter was despatched to Mr. the people in the vicinity interested in the improvement of the road, and appointed James Moore superintendent of the work. We have noticed this matter in order that public attention may be more particularly drawn to it. The citizens of Doylestown we hope will consider the matter, as it is an improvement which will materially add to the interests and prosperity of the town, and we should be glad to hear of a more liberal and general contribution. In fact, every man who travels the road is interested, as well as those who reside upon or own property near the road, and should contribute in proportion to their means. It is found that the funds already contributed will be expended this week, and the elevation of the hill will not be reduced as much as many persons would desire. We look upon this measure as a commencement towards having a good road made to Easton and Philadelphia, and if this hill is properly reduced, it will incite the citizens in other places to follow the good example. We understand the persons now at work at Dyer's Hill, are willing to keep at it, as long as the funds contributed hold out. Bucks County Intel. AMERICAN SILK. From the (Baltimore) Chronicle of the Times. To the Editors of the Chronicle of the Times. PHILADELPHIA, 15th Aug. GENTLEMEN:-I observe with pleasure, that the "Chronicle of the Times" has taken up the subject of "American Silk," and vigorously advocates the Normal School System, recommended to Congress by the Committee on Agriculture of the late House of Representatives. Although that system appears to have received the general approbation of the thinking part of the community, its principles cannot be too much nor too often enforced by arguments and illustrated by facts, and therefore I am happy to find that it receives the able support of your scientific journal. 149 friend Mr. Peter S. Du Ponceau, of Philadelphia; I to you. ment. In the southern part of Russia, on the confines of Persia, the Caucasian mountains produce a considerable quantity of cocoons, of which the inhabitants cannot make any use. Two Frenchmen, one of them Mr. Didelot, a great mechanician, and the other a man from our southern departments accustomed to the filature of silk, took with them an old director of filatures from St. Jean du Gard, and a few female reelers to found an establishThey obtained from the emperor of Russia, large grants of land and buildings at Tifflis, large sums of money were advanced to them by the emperor; they of it that left nothing to be wished for; but they did began to reel silk,--we have seen some small samples nothing more, they could not supply their establishment with female reelers, the silk which those women reeled, apparently very fine, could not be thrown, and in the course of four years, all the capitals were sunk, the emperor abandoned them, one of them died, and the other of the filature and the female reelers could not return returned to France, poor and destitute. The director for want of money. Desirous of affording you my feeble aid in the furthering of this patriotic design, I take the liberty of sending to you a translation of a letter, addressed by M. Boucher, an eminent silk manufacturer of Paris, to the it was made by a man of eminent merit in the sciences The second undertaking is still more extraordinary; Chevalier de Pougens, a learned member of the Royal connected with the useful arts, and in the part of France Institute of France, and of the American Philosophical where the greater quantity of silk is reeled (but by rote.) Society, whom I had requested to obtain for me the This undertaking has recently failed; out of a joint stock best information he could, on this interesting subject. of eleven hundred thousand francs, the concerned will In this letter you will find valuable facts and instruc- only have 15 per cent. of their capital, out of the protions concerning the spinning or reeling of raw silk ceeds of the sale of the real property. I send you herefrom the cocoons. Its general result, it is true, is not with a printed copy of their articles of co-partnership,† very encouraging, as M. Boucher requires not less than which you may send to your friend Mr. Du Ponceau. ten years to perfect our females in the art of reeling I do not mean to say that the project of establishing silk, and because of the difficulty of that art, considers filatures of silk in the United States should be abanthe plan which I had the honour to propose to the Com-doned, but it should be pursued with prudence, if promittee on Agriculture as "the dream of an honest man," fit is intended to be made by it, and it must not be bebut a subsequent correspondence with him, has brought lieved that in two or three years America can supply him to more favourable sentiments, and I shall if you de- England and France with part of the silk they want. sire it, hereafter communicate through the Chronicle a letter which I have lately received from him, in which he no longer holds the same discouraging language. In the mean time, if you think the inclosed worth publishing, you are at liberty to insert it, together with the Chevalier's letter which precedes it, in your able and interesting journal. I am with great esteem and respect, years taught the theory of the art, will not be able to The sixty young men to whom you will have in two tend to the quality of the silks which they shall cause produce any thing, if they have not an overseer to atto be reeled, and facilitate the disposal of it in the way of trade. They will meet with a thousand obstacles from the female reelers, and will for some years only produce raw silk unfit to be thrown, and yet those silks will appear very fine. I would advise Mr. Du Ponceau to cause himself to be appointed director of a pattern filature, of which Mr. D'Homergue should be the overseer; that filature *This reference is to the French translation of the report of the committee on Agriculture, of the House of Representatives, of the United States, of the 12th of March, 1830. The words referred to are in the English text as follows: "It is further demonstrated in those Essays (Mr. D'Homergue's) and in a memorial lately presented by the Manufacturers of silk stuff's, of Lyons, in France, to the Minister of Commerce and Manufactures, that the art of filature can only be acquired by practical instruction, by some one intimately acquainted with, and accustomed to that process. That no human skill or ingenuity, unaided by practical instruction, is capable of acquiring that art, to any profitable exten" This document was never received. |