soon learn the art of sacrificing men, with as little remorse as he would sweep off so many grasshoppers. If this be doubted, let the voice of history be heard. At what rate was the life of a man estimated during the French revolution, or the reign of Napoleon? Or at what rate has it ever been estimated by rulers in counting the cost of a war, in which they were about to engage?"I tremble when I reflect that God is just."

The principle in question has often been spoken of as though it were peculiar to the Jesuits and the Illuminati. But this is a mistake. Whether others have avowed it or not, it has been a principle of war in ali past ages. When we read Pascal's description of it, as professed by the Jesuits, we are filled with surprise and horror. But we have

been so accustomed to observing its effects, in reading the records of war, that we pass it over without much reflection, as a common-place principle, or as a privilege which warring rulers possess, ex officio-or as something which is necessary and inseparable from war, and of course always to be expected as an ingredient in its history.

SIR,

EIRENIKOS TO PHILO PACIFICUS.

LETTER III.

You will distinctly understand, that nothing which I have said, or shall say, by way of animadversion upon Dr. Paley's limitation of Christian meekness, is intended to diminish the general reputation and influence of that eminent writer. Few divines or philosophers stand higher in my estimation, and few have contributed more to my entertainment and instruction. On the subject in question I think he erred. But had his acute and discriminating mind explored this subject with unbiassed and fixed attention; had he even attempted to illustrate and justify his restriction, I can easily believe, that he would ultimately have seen, acknowledged, and asserted the contrariety of war to the maxims of that faith, which, in other respects, he defended with so much a

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bility and success. Instead of any process of this sort, he unfortunately took for granted, as many before and since his time have done, that rulers can neither preserve order at home, nor protect their people from foreign insult and injury, without occasional recourse to vindictive passions and measures; and, therefore, considered a dispensation to feel and act accordingly, as a thing of course. Rulers are, indeed, styled “ revengers to execute wrath upon him that doeth evil :" But can this imply the necessity and consequent innocence of revenge, in the common acceptation of the word? Certainly not. Nothing more is intended than a description of their prerogative and duty to chasten the disobedient and rebellious. A culprit may, and, unquestionably, should, be arrested, tried, condemned, and punished, without the existeoce or operation of any emotions, incompatible with the purest benevolence, the tenderest compassion, either in the agents or the witnesses of the melancholy transaction. Hence the faithfal and effectual administration of civil government, far from corrupting, is adapted to improve, the public morals. While it tends to excite the commiseration of every rank in the community, for deluded offenders, it suggests the strongest incentives both to discountenance and avoid transgression.

War alone requires the substitution of a savage malignity for Christian charity; and it is a heedless, unreflecting acquiescence in the long established custom of war, which has, for ages, "deceived the nations," and induced theologians and moralists, as well as statesmen, to limit, qualify, and pervert the divine commands, in a manner calculated to transform the earth from that quiet and joyous abode of brethren, for which an indulgent Creator designed it, to a theatre of gladiators, "a field of blood," a scene of uninterrupted "hatred, variance, emulation, wrath, strife, envy, and murder." Though we should grant, what can never be proved, that "men in public stations" may resort to fire and sword, without malice in their own hearts, it is still undeniable, as already noted, that, before they can hope to succeed, the great mass of population must be wrought up to infuriate madness, and prepared to contemplate the anguish and deso

lation of a reputed enemy with pleasure; to rejoice in the destruction of his property, the conflagration of his dwellings, the shedding of his blood; to be afflicted by his prosperity, and to resign to ignominy and death the countryman, the neighbour, the bosom friend, who presumes to give him comfort or relief. When a whole people is directed and impelled by these ferocious sentiments; when they no longer "act for themselves or from themselves, but under the consideration of what is to be done for the good of the public;" when they come to the "case to which," we are told, "the rules" of the gospel, relating to the exercise of fraternal affection and kindness, "do not belong," of what avail are these rules to them? and in what way are they to exemplify a correspondent practice, till the war is over? Till then, they must either be excused, because their consciences are in the keeping of others, because they are under the control of imperious leaders, because acting out of regard to the general welfare," they are divested of their personal responsibility; or they must have a solemn, tremendous aecount to give, at the tribunal of eternal justice :—And, "whether it be right in the sight of God to hearken unto men more than unto God, judge ye."

If it be pronounced enough for them to be friendly and beneficent to each other, I offer no other reply, than that which our divine Master has furnished: "Ye have heard that it hath been said, "Thou shalt love thy neighbour, and hate thine enemy: But I say unto you, Love your enemies, bless them that curse you, do good to them that hate you, and pray for them that despitefully use you, and persecute you. For if ye love them that love you, what reward have ye? do not even the publicans the same? And if ye salute your brethren only, what do ye more than others? do not even the publicans so ?"

In this view of the matter, I repeat with confidence, that had Dr. Paley once made the lawfulness of war a question, and investigated that question, in its diversified relations, bearings, and results, with his usual impartiality and talent, he could hardly have failed to have discerned, acknowledged, and asserted its palpable contrariety to the maxims of our

holy faith. But be that as it may; my individual opinion is confirmed, and has produced impressions, which may very possibly give rise to another communication from

EIRENIKOS.

THE MEMORIAL OF THE MASSACHUSETTS PEACE SOCIETY. To the Honourable the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, in Congress assembled :

The Memorial of the Members of the Peace Society of Massachusetts respectfully represents :-

THAT the society, which now solicits the attention of our national rulers, was instituted for the single purpose of diffusing pacific and benevolent sentiments through this country, and through the world. Impressed with a deep and sorrowful conviction, that the spirit of Christianity, which is a spirit of mercy, peace and kind affection, is imperfeetly understood; afflicted by the accumulated miseries and extensive desolations which war has lately spread over the fairest, most fruitful, and most enlightened regions of the earth; and at the same time encouraged by many decisive proofs of the the revival of purer, and more benevolent principles among Christian nations, your memorialists have formed this association with the solemn and deliberate purpose of cooperating with the philanthropists of every country, in promoting the eause of peace and charity; in stripping war of its false glory, and in uniting different communities in the bonds of amity and mutual good will. We are sensible, that from the nature of our object, it is chiefly to be accomplished by a silent and gradual influence on the minds of men, and accordingly we have limited our operations to the circulation of useful treatises, in which the pacific spirit of religion has been exhibited with clearness, and we hope with success. We believe, however, that the present moment demands a departure from our usual course, and we cherish the hope, that, by an application to the government under which we live, important service may be rendered to the cause of humanity, in which we are engaged.

The present memorial is founded on two occurrences, which we hail as auspicious to the pacification of the world. The first occurrence, to which we refer, is the well known and unprecedented union of several of the most illustrious powers of Europe, in declaring, before" the universe, their unwavering determination to adopt, for the only rule of their conduct, both in the administration of their respective states, and in their political relation with every other government, the precepts of Christianity, the precepts of justice, of charity and of peace."

The second occurrence, to which we refer, is the decided expression of pacific sentiments and anticipations in the conclusion of the late message of the President of the United States, in which his parting wishes for his country are expressed with tenderness and power. In this remarkable passage, worthy the chief magistrate of a Christian community, he expresses his conviction, that "the destined career of his country will exhibit a government, which, whilst it refines its domestic code from every ingredient not congenial with the precepts of an enlightened age, and the sentiments of a virtuous people, seeks by appeals to reason, and by its liberal examples, to infuse into the law which governs the civilized world, a spirit which may diminish the frequency, or circumscribe the calamities of war, and meliorate the social and beneficent relations of peace; a government, in a word, whose conduct, within and without, may bespeak the most noble of all ambitions, that of promoting peace on earth, and good will to man.”

On the occurrences now stated, your memorialists respectfully beg leave to found the following suggestions and solicit

ations:

First, We respectfully solicit, if it be consistent with the principles of the constitution, that the solemn profession of pacific principles, lately made by several distinguished sovereigns of Europe, may be met by corresponding professions on the part of our own government. While we are sensible that a melancholy discordance has often existed between the language and the conduct of rulers, we still believe, that the solemn assertion of great and important principles, by men