In view of this contrast Mr. Clarkson has some just and forcible remarks; a few of which will be quoted : "If Christian policy has had its influence upon barbarians, it would be libellous to say, that it would not have its influence upon those who profess to be christians. Let us then, from the instances which have been now recited, deprecate the nenessity of wars. Let us not think so meanly of the Christian religion as that it does not forbid, nor so meanly of its power, as that it is not able to prevent their continuance." p. 87. "If the cabinet of any one powerful nation were to act upon the noble principle of relinquishing war, why should we think the other cabinets so lost to all good feelings, as not to respect its virtues? Let us abandon this thought; for the supposition of a contrary sentiment would make them worse. than the savages I have mentioned. "Let us then cherish the fond hope that human animosities are not to be eternal; and that man is not always to be made a tiger to man. Let us hope that the government of some one nation will set the example of a total dereliction of wars. And let us all in our respective situations precede the anticipated blessing, by holding out the necessity of the subjugation of the passions, and by inculcating the doctrine of universal benevolence to man." p. 94. To the remarks of Mr. Clarkson a few words may be subjoined; and then the whole will be submitted to the conscience of every reflecting Christian. In the contrast before us, we behold courage and heroism of two different kinds. On the one hand we see- -surrounded by ferocious savages, a class of men assuming the most hostile attitude, armed with weapons of death, quick to resent, ready to fight and brave in battle-but ever on the watch by day and by night, and frequently in a state of alarm, anxiety, or hostility. On the other hand we see-surrounded in like manner by blood thirsty savages-another class of men, as sheep among wolves, without arms or any hostile preparations, openly avowing principles which forbid them to kill even in self-defence; yet, placing their hope in God, and in the influence of their pacific spirit, they pursue by day their lawful occupations without anxiety, and by night they sleep without sentinels and without alarm. Now which of these two classes of men displayed the most undaunted fortitude and genuine heroism? and which bore the greatest resemblance to the Prince of peace? One man is so perpetually in fear of being killed or robbed, that he always goes armed with pistols and a long knife. Another, who is exposed to the same external dangers, calmly pursues his business, without any weapon of death for his defence :-Which of these is the greatest coward? And which of them walks even as Christ walked? A proper answer to these questions will probably lead to this conclusion, that it is rather sinful cowardice than christian fortitude, which induces men to arm themselves one against another. mm NOTICE OF COMMUNICATIONS. AFTER a considerable part of this Number had been printed, and arrangements had been made to complete it, some communications were received, with a respectful request that they might be inserted. One is a copy of a Petition to the Legislature of this Commonwealth, signed by ten persons, requesting such an alteration in the militia laws, that not only the FRIENDS and the SHAKERS, but all who believe with them that war is inconsistent with the precepts of Christ, may be exempted from bearing arms contrary to the convictions of their own minds. The other purports to be a defence of the opinions of the petitioners, which has been presented to the honorable Committee of the Legislature to whom the Petition had been referred, Although it is not convenient to publish these communications in this Number, it may not be improper to express a hope that, on both sides, the subject will be attended to in the true spirit of peace. The future tranquillity of the state is perhaps more intimately connected with the manner in which that subject shall be treated than many would at first imagine. We are not to expect that a revolution in public opinion will be instantaneously effected; and, in the present case, it is certainly desirable that no means should be used but those of a pacific character. The writer of this has been advised to suggest to those who sent the communications, the expediency of publishing them as a small tract by themselves, END. THE FRIEND OF PEACE, No. IV. REASONS FOR BELIEVING THAT EFFORTS FOR THE ABOLI TION OF WAR WILL NOT BE IN VAIN. INTRODUCTION AND PRELIMINARY REMARKS. WHEN an object is proposed, which appears benevolent, desireable and of vast magnitude, the question immediately occurs,-Is it attainable? Is there any probability that human exertions for its accomplishment will be crowned with success? It has been distinctly represented to the writer of this work, that people in general, who have read the "Solemn Review" and the preceding Numbers of the Friend of Peace, are very ready to admit the correctness of the sentiments, as to the inhumanity, injustice and antichristian nature of war; and the pernicious, uncertain and dreadful character of the custom, considered as a method of securing rights, or of obtaining redress for wrongs. It is also admitted, that the abolition of war would be a benevolent and glorious object of pursuit, if there were any satisfactory reasons for supposing, that exertions would be of any avail. But to many, it is said, the project appears of a desperate and Utopian characteras hopeless, as would be an attempt to abolish disease and death. It has therefore been requested of me, to state more fully the reasons for believing that efforts for the abolition of war will not be in vain. On this point several things have been suggested in the "Solemn Review" and in the second Number of this work; yet as this seems to be the only point which labors in the minds of many, it may be useful to give it a more ample dis cussion. I must however request the reader's attention to I. In all that will be said on the probability of success, or the utility of human exertions, this idea is to be constantly understood, that "Except the Lord build the house, they labor in vain who build it ;" and "Except the Lord keep the city the watchman waketh but in vain." For no idea is entertained by me, that human exertions can be of any avail for the abolition of war, but by the blessing and energy of God Yet I believe, that he "who worketh all things according to the counsel of his own will," makes use of human agents for the accomplishment of his benevolent designs. II. It is not imagined, that the abolition of war is to be instantaneously effected. It must probably require many years, and perhaps several ages, of faithful and persevering exertions, to accomplish in full the object proposed. Those who are now engaged in the work may have rested from their labors long before the glorious event will take place. But the seed, which they shall have sown, may spring up, and yield a rich harvest of blessings to their posterity. III. All who are convinced of the truth of what has been published on the crimes and miseries of war, should consider, that a possibility of success must confer an obligation on them, to do what they can for its abolition. If a man is already convinced, that war has its very existence in sin, and that its genuine fruits are desolation and misery, how can he rest contented, to see such a custom idolized by his fellow men, as necessary, justifiable and glorious! IV. Let it be remembered, that the charge of a "chimerical project," or "Utopian scheme,” has been uniformly made against the first efforts for the abolition of any popular custom; yet many such attempts have succeeded, to the astonishment and joy of those who once regarded them as fit subjects of ridicule. There was a time when the present modes of treating a fever or the small pox would have been regarded as little better than attempts to murder the diseased. On this point I would solicit the reader's attention to some extracts from a letter of Dr. Rush, to George Clymer Esq. "on the amusements and punishments proper for schools." "I know," says the Dr." how apt mankind are to brand every proposition for innovation, as visionary and Utopian. But good men should not be discouraged by such epithets, from their attempts to combat vice and error. There never was an improvement in any art or science, nor a proposal for meliorating the condition of man, in any age or country, that has not been considered in the light of what has been called an Utopian scheme. "The application of the magnet to navigation, and of steam to mechanical purposes, have both been branded as Utopian projects. The great idea of Columbus, of exploring a new world, was long viewed in most of the courts of Europe, as the dream of a visionary sailor. "You and I recollect the time when the abolition of negro slavery in our state-as also when the independence of the United States, and the present wise and happy confederation of our republics, were all considered by many of our sober, prudent men, as subjects of an Utopian nature. "For the benefit of those persons who consider opinions as improved, like certain liquors, by time; and who are opposed to innovations, only because they did not occur to our ancestors; I shall conclude my letter with an anecdote of a minister in London, who after employing a long sermon, in controverting what he supposed to be an heretical opinion, concluded it with the following words :-'I tell you, I tell you, my brethren, I tell you again, that an old error is better than a new truth."" Such has been the pernicious influence of prepossession in every age; and yet how many of the present time are unwilling to learn either wisdom or caution, by the manifest mistakes and imprudences of their ancestors. Had there been no improvements made in human opinions and customs, in opposition to the cry of heresy and Utopian projects, the present inhabitants of Great Britain and of the United States would have been both pagans and savages. Happy would |