Page images
PDF
EPUB

X [V]

Impetratae civitatis Alexandrinorum pro Harpocrate gaudium.

C. PLINIUS TRAIANO IMPERATORI

Exprimere, domine, verbis non possum quanto me gaudio 1 adfecerint epistulae tuae, ex quibus cognovi te Harpocrati iatraliptae meo et Alexandrinam civitatem tribuisse, quamvis secundum institutionem principum non temere eam dare proposuisses. Esse autem Harpocran νομοῦ Μεμφιτικοῦ indico tibi. Rogo ergo, indulgentissime imperator, ut mihi ad Pom- 2 peium Plantam, praefectum Aegypti, amicum tuum, sicut promisisti, epistulam mittas. Obviam iturus, quo maturius, domine, exoptatissimi adventus tui gaudio frui possim, rogo permittas mihi quam longissime occurrere tibi.

4 institutiones, B.

5 νομοῦ Μεμφιτικοῦ, Η. Stephanus.
νομοῦ Μεμφίτου, Β.

§ I. I cannot say how glad I am that you have consented to grant the Alexdrine 'civitas' to my physician Harpocras. Memphis is his home. § 2. I beg you to write at once as you promised to the praefect of Egypt. I should also wish to be allowed to meet you on your welcome return to Rome.

The date of this letter is fixed by the last sentence. Trajan returned from Germany in the second half of 99, in time to canvass personally for the consulship.

νομοῦ Μεμφιτικοῦ. Memphis, the metropolis of the nome, was in Heptanomis or Middle Egypt (see p. 92), Herod. II 99: ‘ἔστι γὰρ καὶ ἡ Μέμφις ἐν τῷ στεινῷ τῆς Αἰγύπτου. It was formerly the capital of the Egyptian kings. Tac. Hist. iv 84, Memphin inclutam olim et veteris Aegypti columen'; Plin. Nat. Hist. v 9, 'quondam arx Aegypti regum.' Its climate was very favourable, Hor. Od. III 26, 10, Memphin carentem Sithonia nive,' and Mart. vi 80, 'Navita derisit Pharios Memphiticus hortos.' Even in Strabo's time (p. 807, ed. Casaubon) it was “πόλις μεγάλη τε καὶ εὔανδρος, δευτέρα μετ' ̓Αλεξανδρείαν. There were two pyramids in the nomos Memphites, Plin. Nat. Hist. xxxvi 12, and a number of ancient temples in Memphis itself. Pliny gives a list of the nomes, Nat. Hist. v 9, and says that

νομοῦ Μεμφύτου, Ald. 9 exoptatissime, Ald.

that of Memphis extends 'usque ad summum delta."

exoptatissimi adventus tui (see above, and life of Trajan, p. 5). Trajan had spent almost two years in Germany since his adoption by Nerva, and a year and a half since Nerva's death. He was engaged in the rectification of the Rhine frontier, and it was in connection with this important work, and to draw attention to the affairs beyond the Rhine, that Tacitus published the Germania in 98 (see c. 37). But although Trajan's absence was acquiesced in, there was naturally some impatience for his return. Thus Martial, x 7, addressing the Rhine, says, 'Traianum populis suis et urbi, Tibris te dominus rogat, remittas.' Pliny (Panegyr. § 20) contrasts the moderation which marked his progress through Italy with the luxury and exactions of Domitian. Quam dissimilis nuper alterius principis transitus! si tamen transitus illa, non populatio fuit'; and Trajan himself published the expenses of the two journeys, 'Itaque non tam pro tua gloria quam pro utilitate communi edicto subiecisti quid in utrumque vestrum esset impensum.' The entry into the city, the demonstrations of the crowd, and the courtesy of Trajan, are described in Panegyr. § 22.

2

[merged small][ocr errors][merged small]

Proxima infirmitas mea, domine, obligavit me Postumio Marino medico; cui parem gratiam referre beneficio tuo possum, si precibus meis ex consuetudine bonitatis tuae indulseris. Rogo ergo, ut propinquis eius des civitatem, Chrysippo Mithridatis uxorique Chrysippi Stratonicae Epigoni item liberis

§ 1. My recent illness has put me under an obligation to Postumius Marinus, my physician, whom I can only adequately reward by your help. § 2. My petition therefore is that you will grant the Roman civitas to some of his relations, viz. to Chrysippus and his wife Stratonice and his children Epigonus and Mithridates; and the 'ius Quiritium' to L. Satrius Abascantus, P. Caesius Phosporus, and Pancharia Soteris. I make this request at the desire of their patrons.

The reference to the illness approximately determines the date of the letter. § I. proxima infirmitas mea. above, in Ep. 5, 1, and 8, 3.

See

Postumio Marino. He evidently had the civitas himself, having probably received the iusta manumissio from one

of the Postumian gens. He was, however, a peregrinus by origin, as the condition of his relatives proves.

§ 2. des civitatem. See above in Ep. 5, 2.

Chrysippo Mithridatis. The ordinary way of stating the name of a peregrinus, see above, p. 90.

Epigono et Mithridati. The children according to the ordinary Greek custom were named after their grandfathers.

ita ut sint in patris potestate. This is, of course, the natural consequence of the father and mother receiving the civitas, which involved conubium. Gaius, i 67, 'quia non aliter quisquam ad patris conditionem accedit, quam si inter patrem et matrem eius conubium sit,' and he adds, 'when wife and son enter into the Romana civitas ex eo tempore incipit filius in potestate patris esse. In order that Chrysippus might have the 'patria potestas,' it was neces

66

MU

sary that his wife and sons should also receive it.

utque iis in libertos servetur ius patronorum. This is an exceptional privilege granted to the sons. As peregrini they had the usual rights over their freedmen, with which the father could not interfere, but on coming under the patria potestas, the son would naturally lose not only his right of testamentary disposition and owning property, but also his rights over his freedmen. These consisted (1) in the general obsequium, reverentia, or honour, which the freedman had to render to his patron, Cic. ad Quint. frat. i I, 4, Dionys. iv 24; and (2) in the fulfilment of certain promises made on the manumission to supply dona, munera, bona, operae. Cic. ad Attic. vii 2, ad fam. xiv 4; (3) the right of guardianship over the wives, daughters, and infants of their freedmen ; (4) claims on the intestate succession to the estates of their freedmen; (5) the right in case of ingratitude or impiety to make the manumission void. Suet. Claud. 25 Ingratos (libertinos) et de quibus patroni quererentur revocavit in servitutem.' This was, however, apparently a temporary measure, as we find the same proposal made under Nero, Tac. Ann. xiii 26: 'Per idem tempus actum in senatu de fraudibus libertorum, efflagitatumque ut adversus male meritos revocandae libertatis ius patronis daretur.' It was, however, finally settled that they should decide each case upon its merits 'quotiens (liberti) a patronis argueren

tur.'

ius Quiritium. See on Ep. 5, 2. volentibus patronis. See on petente patrona, Ep. 5, 3.

eiusdem Chrysippi, Epigono et Mithridati, ita ut sint in patris potestate utque iis in libertos servetur ius patronorum. Item rogo indulgeas ius Quiritium L. Satrio Abascanto et P. Caesio Phosphoro et Panchariae Soteridi; quod a te volentibus patronis peto. 4 Panchayae : ac, B.

XII [VII]

Praeturam amico petit

C. PLINIUS TRAIANO IMPERATORI

Scio, domine, memoriae tuae, quae est bene faciendi tenacissima, preces nostras inhaerere. Quia tamen in hoc quoque indulsisti, admoneo simul et inpense rogo ut Attium Suram praetura exornare digneris, cum locus vacet. Ad quam spem

I am aware, sire, that our petitions never escape your memory. But I am emboldened by your previous indulgence to remind you of my request that you should confer the first praetorship vacant on Attius Sura. Though naturally retiring, he is encouraged to hope for your indulgence both by the prestige of his birth and the integrity which he has shown amid comparative poverty.

bene faciendi tenacissima. Cf. Ep. 85; 'disciplinae tenacissimum'; Quint. i 1, 19, 'memoria tenacissima'; also Juv. viii 25; Verg. Aen. iv 188.

in hoc, so far.

admoneo simul et inpense rogo. I remind you and at the same time add urgency to my request.

Attium Suram. Mommsen thinks he may be identified with the Suberinus or Suburanus mentioned in vi 33 as laying claim to the property of the father of Attia Viriola, who had disinherited her in favour of a stepmother. Although there is an inscription cited, Hermes, iii 132, naming a Sex. Attius Suburanus, the identification seems hardly made out, especially as the Suberinus mentioned in vi 33 was disinherited by his own father, and is described as 'singulari impudentia alieni patris bona vindicans, non ausus sui patris.'

praetura exornare. Election to the old republican magistracies, after the exceptional period in which the triumvirs

had done what they liked in this respect as in others, was again placed by Augustus in the hands of the popular assemblies. Suet. Aug. 40, comitiorum pristinum ius reduxit'; and Tac. Ann. iii 28, 'Sexto demum consulatu Caesar Augustus, potentiae securus, quae triumviratu iusserat abolevit.' He, however, seems to have looked upon the popular election as a necessary evil, and on several occasions when popular feeling about the elections ran high, he himself appointed to the consulships (Dio Cass. 54, 10), or even to all the magistracies, Dio Cass, 55, 34, ‘πάντας τοὺς ἄρξοντας αὐτός, ἐπειδήπερ ἐστασιάζετο, ἀπέδειξε. The need for this exceptional action passed away when Tiberius, perhaps as a part of the Augustan policy, transferred in 14 A.D. the comitia from the campus to the senate, Tac. Ann. i 15. But both before and after this change, which placed the election to the consulship, praetorship, tribunate, aedileship, and quaestorship in the hands of the senate, there were two ways by which the emperors could exercise considerable influence on the elections: (1) by the right which as presiding magistrate he shared with the consuls of testing the qualifications of candidates. Those who were approved were 'nominati,' ¿.e. allowed to receive votes, Dio Cass. 53,

[blocks in formation]

alioqui quietissimum hortatur et natalium splendor et summa integritas in paupertate et ante omnia felicitas temporum, quae

sulibus edidisset; posse et alios profiteri si gratiae aut meritis confiderent.' But as a matter of fact the emperor's nominees would always stand the best chance of election, and if he chose to nominate exactly the number of vacancies, the election was practically decided by his nomination. Tac. Ann. i 14, 'Candidatos praeturae duodecim nominavit, numerum ab Augusto traditum : et hortante senatu ut augeret, iureiurando obstrinxit, se non excessurum.' Also in ii 36, Asinius Gallus proposes that the emperor 'duodecim candidatos in singulos annos nominaret.' There was sometimes, however, a real contest in the senate, Tac. Ann. ii 51; and Suet. Vesp. 2, and the number of the emperor's nominees, no doubt, varied from time to time. Cf. also Dio Cass. 58, 20.

(2) By a development from the old Republican custom of commendatio, the emperors had the right of recommending a certain number of candidates (candidati Caesaris), who were, as a matter of course, elected without any opposition, Tac. Ann. i 25, 'moderante Tiberio ne plures quam quatuor candidatos commendaret, sine repulsa et ambitu designandos.' This passage (referring to the praetorship) proves that out of twelve appointments only four were absolutely at the disposal of the emperor, who did not, however, himself appoint, but merely recommended to the senate. It is noticeable that no instance is known of the emperor's commendatio for the consulship, until the end of Nero's reign, Tac. Hist. i 77, 'ceteri consulatus ex destinatione Neronis aut Galbae mansere,' and Hist. ii. 71, after which the consulship was absolutely at the disposal of the emperor, to a much greater extent than any of the subordinate magistracies. With regard to these latter the right of commendatio remained unaltered. It is mentioned but indefinitely in the 'lex regia de imperio,' previous to Vespasian's reign, uti quos magistratum potestatem imperium curationemve cuius rei petentes senatui populoque Romano commendaverit quibusque suffragationem suam dederit promiserit, eorum comitiis quibusque extra ordinem ratio habeatur.' Those who were thus commended usually received the honorary title of praetor or quaestor candidatus. Thus Orelli, 133, 2759, 3151, also I.N. 5983, 'per omnes honores candidatus Augustorum.' See

[ocr errors]

also Vell. Paterc. ii 124, 'Quo tempore mihi patrique meo candidatis Caesaris, proxime a nobilissimis ac sacerdotibus viris destinari praetoribus contigit, consecutis, ut neque post nos quemquam Divus Augustus neque ante nos Caesar commendaret Tiberius.' Pliny, Panegyr. 69, describes, as Mommsen shows, the praetorian comitia, Staatsrecht, vol. ii p. 879. In this case Trajan introduces his candidati in person, being himself consul, alii cum laetitia' (i.e. the commendati) 'alii cum spe' (i.e. the nominati) recesserunt.'

[ocr errors]

The number of praetors varied at different times. Under Augustus it was usually 12, Dio Cass. 56, 25, '¿λλ' οἱ δώδεκα ἐπὶ πολὺ κατέστησαν, but sometimes sixteen.

Under Tiberius some extraordinary praetorships were conferred upon delatores. Tac. Ann. ii 32, 'praeturae extra ordinem datae iis qui senatorii ordinis erant'; and, accordingly, Dio Cass. 58, 20, ' πεντεκαίδεκα στρατηγοὶ ἐγένοντο καὶ τοῦτο ἐπὶ πολλὰ ἔτη συνέβη. too, under Caligula, Dio Cass. 59, 20. Under Claudius it varied from fourteen to eighteen, Dio Cass. 60, 10, ȧvwμáλws δὲ δὴ οἱ στρατηγοὶ ἀπεδείκνυντο· καὶ γὰρ τεσσαρακαίδεκα καὶ ὀκτωκαίδεκα, διὰ μέσου

τε.

5ο,

ἐγένοντο. Under Nero there was a fixed number, probably seventeen, Tac. Ann. xiv 28; while Nerva added one to preside over cases of dispute between individuals and the fiscus, Dig. 1, 2, 2, 32; Panegyr. 36. The judicial functions of the praetors were diminished (1) by the judicial power of the princeps; (2) of the senate; (3) of the praefectus urbi. But the praetor urbanus and praetor peregrinus still retained their judicial functions, Tac. Ann. i 15, 'mox celebratio ad praetorem translata cui inter cives et peregrinos iurisdictio evenisset'; others presided over the various iudicia, Tac. Ann. i 75, 'nec patrum cognitionibus satiatus iudiciis adsidebat in cornu tribunalis, ne praetorem curuli depelleret,' and Suet. Tiber. 33; one at least presided over cases of fidei commissa, Suet. Claud. 23, and Orelli, 3135, praetori de fidei commissis,' and one after Nerva over cases connected with the fiscus. But by the time of Nero there was not sufficient judicial work for all, Tac. Agric. vi 4, 'idem praeturae tenor et silentium: nec enim iurisdictio obvenerat.' But the number of praetorian appoint

bonam conscientiam civium tuorum ad usum indulgentiae tuae provocat et attollit.

ments was so large, e.g. the less important provincial commands both senatorial and imperial, the legateship of the legions, etc. etc., that the number of praetors could not be diminished. But a large proportion of them probably had chiefly to provide for, and to preside at, the various games and festivals, Tac. Ann. i 15; Agric. vi 4 ludos et inania honoris'; Suet. Vesp. 2: 'Praetor . . . ludos extraordinarios pro victoria eius Germanica depoposcit; Dio Cass., 54, 2: 'Kal TOîs μὲν στρατηγοῖς τὰς πανηγύρεις πάσας πроσéтаžeν'; also Juv. x 36, xi 191, xiv 256. See Mommsen's Staatsrecht, vol. ii pp. 193 ff., and pp. 877-887, and Pauly, Real Encyclop. vol. vi pp. 23 ff. Pliny, therefore, requests Trajan to use his commendatio for Attius Sura.

cum locus vacet. This might refer to a possible vacancy during the year by death, in which case a praetor suffectus

would be appointed, but it seems uncertain whether the emperor's commendatio applied in these cases (see Tac. Ann. ii 51, 'de praetore in locum Vipsanii Galli quem mors abstulerat subrogando certamen incessit'). It is, therefore, better to take it as a vacancy in the list of those to whom the emperor had promised his 'commendatio.'

natalium splendor. Cf. Ep. 4, 5.

summa integritas in paupertate. As pointed out above, this is hardly consistent with Mommsen's hypothesis that the poverty was caused by his 'exheredatio.'

bonam conscientiam. Cf. i 12, 3, 'optimam conscientiam; Tac. Agric. bonae tantum conscientiae pretio '; also Sen. Ep. 43, 5, 'bona conscientia turbam advocat, mala etiam in solitudine anxia est.'

XIII [VIII]
Sacerdotium sibi petit

C. PLINIUS TRAIANO IMPERATORI

Cum sciam, domine, ad testimonium laudemque morum meorum pertinere tam boni principis iudicio exornari, rogo

Knowing as I do, sire, how much my reputation is increased by marks of favour from you, I beg you to appoint me either an augur or a septemvir, both which posts are vacant. I shall then be able to offer in a sacred and public capacity the prayers for your prosperity which I now offer in private.

The date of this letter is approximately fixed by comparison with iv 8, where he says, "Gratularis mihi quod acceperim auguratum, primum quod gravissimi principis iudicium in minoribus etiam rebus consequi pulchrum est . . . mihi vero illud etiam gratulatione dignum videtur quod successi Iulio Frontino,' etc. (1) Frontinus, the author of De agrorum qualitate and De aquaeductibus, had been praetor in 70 (Tac. Hist. iv 39), and Consul III in 100. (2) The augurship was generally conferred after the consulship; Tac. Agric. 9; Hist. i 77, and

[blocks in formation]
« PreviousContinue »