mates,' was taken into the empire, a step which not only forced back the Chatti, but made the frontier of the empire in this quarter far more compact; rendered the presence of a strong garrison at both Vindonissa and Argentoratum no longer necessary, and so enabled the German provinces to dispense with half its former military force.1 Inadequate as our information is, there is no doubt that this change of the frontier line was what mainly occupied Trajan in Germany. Eutropius tells us vaguely that he restored the cities beyond the Rhine,2 and we know that he built a fort 'munimentum Traiani' opposite to Maintz, and also founded a 'civitas Ulpia' near Ladenberg3 on the Neckar, as well as a town on the site of Baden.1 Meanwhile the feeble Nerva at Rome, finding himself unable to preserve the imperial dignity against the turbulent praetorians,5 determined, partly on the advice of Licinius Sura, to make Trajan his adopted son and successor. This he did on October 27, 97 A.D., in the presence of the people assembled in the Capitol to celebrate a military success just announced from Pannonia over the Suevi.7 Confidence was at once restored at Rome; nor do we hear of any discontent with the election among the legions either of the Danube or the East. Trajan at once received the title of imperator, and also the 'tribunicia potestas,' while he entered on his second consulship in 98. Nerva did not long survive this, the most important act of his reign. He died January 28, 98 A.D.; and Trajan thus became sole imperator. The news reached him at Cologne, where he was engaged in regulating the affairs of Lower Germany, not as legate of the province, but as imperator. Here the Rhine was retained as the frontier, but Trajan strengthened the Roman defence by replacing the ruined Vetera, perhaps never restored since its destruction by Civilis, by a new camp a few miles farther to the north, which, under the name of Colonia Traiana, became the headquarters of the new legion, the XXXth Ulpia Victrix. Closely connected with Trajan's German command is the Germania of Tacitus, published in 98,8 and evidence of the 1 The reduction was not made all at once, but while under Domitian there were eight legions still on the Rhine, by the end of Hadrian's reign there were only four. 2 Eutropius, viii 2. Cf. Tac. Germ. 29. 3 Brambach, C. I. Rh. 1713. 5 Plin. Panegyr. 5. Dio Cassius, 68, 3. 7 Plin. Panegyr. 8. Henzen, 5439. 8 Tac. Germ. c. 37. importance attached to Germany and German affairs by the Roman statesmanship of the time. During the whole of 98 Trajan remained in Germany. Rome was quiet; the new emperor had given an example of firmness by the execution of the guilty praetorians,1 while he had won the confidence of the senate by repeating the oath formerly taken by Nerva to put no senator to death; and his refusal to accept a consulship for which his absence prevented a personal canvass, appealed strongly to all those who like Pliny loved the old constitutional forms. During the winter of 98 Trajan seems to have made a reconnaissance on the Danube, probably in connection with the recent war with the Suevi,3 and the military roads by which he intended to connect the Rhine and Danube provinces. But his presence was now desired in Rome, and as he had finished his work in Germany, and completely restored the discipline and efficiency of the army, which had been pampered by Domitian, thither he proceeded in the course of 99, certainly in time for the consular elections, at which he was appointed consul for the third time. He was greeted with rapture by the people, and his affability and condescension, as well as the tact with which he treated the senate and aristocracy, won the hearts of all. With the senate indeed his relations were most cordial.7 Real senatorial government in any but municipal matters was long since impossible. The senators had no means of being acquainted with the needs of the empire; they were in many cases provincials, strange to Rome, and completely ignorant even of the procedure of the senate.s But Trajan presided at their meetings; allowed them to vote by ballot; consulted them even on matters of foreign policy; and declared war in their name. The senate on its part could not sufficiently express its admiration of so constitutional a princeps,10 conferred on him the title of 'optimus,' and was always ready with the fulsome adulation with which Pliny has made us acquainted.12 The people he won by a liberal 'congiarium' and by gladiatorial 1 Dio Cassius, 68, 3 and 5. 2 Plin. Panegyr. 58, 60, and 79. 3 lb. 12. 4 Martial x 7. 5 Plin. Panegyr. 18; Ep. ad Trai. 29. 6 Plin. Panegyr. 21. 7 Ib. 23 and 69. 8 Plin. Ep. viii 14. 9 Ib. iii 20. 10 Plin. Panegyr. 65. 11 It was however not accepted as a regular cognomen till 114 A.D. Cf. Henzen, 6857. 12 Plin. Panegyr. 73 and 74. games; his palace was open to all,2 while the general spirit of his rule appears in the anecdote given by Dio, that on girding the praefect of the praetorians with the sword of office, he told him to use it for him if he ruled well, against him if he ruled ill.3 15 For Trajan's administrative and legislative activity in Rome before the Dacian wars we owe all our information to Pliny's Panegyric, an address of thanks to the emperor, which as one of the 'consules suffecti' he delivered in the senate in September 100 A.D. One of the first acts was the punishment of the 'delatores,' from whom so much mischief had arisen under Domitian. After being subjected to public ignominy, apparently in the amphitheatre, they were sent away to various places of exile. In close connection with this act of justice was the resolution no longer to employ the 'leges maiestatis as a means either of getting money or intimidating the nobles. On the contrary, the senatorial families were encouraged to come forward into public life, and special concessions were made to their younger members whereby the offices might be filled at an earlier age. Another matter of general and even vital interest was the corn supply. By establishing free trade in corn between the various parts of the empire, the liability to famine was reduced to a minimum; and Egypt, on which the city had been wont to depend for its corn, was actually relieved in a bad season by the capital. The list of recipients of corn in the city also was subjected to a revision, and was made to include 5000 poor children, a step due partly, no doubt, to charity, but even more to the necessity of supplying increased numbers of future citizens and soldiers devoted to his service. In financial matters Trajan was generous, perhaps even as Pliny suspected, to imprudence. By establishing a special court appointed by lot for fiscal matters,10 an appearance at any rate of impartiality was given to cases in which the emperor had a direct interest. Further, the 'aureum coronarium' presented to the emperor on his accession by the provinces was remitted,11 and concessions were made in connection with the 'vicesima hereditatum' in the case of fathers inheriting from sons and brothers from sisters, although the parties did not possess the 'ius cognationis.'12 Other 'vectigalia' too were remitted. 13 On the other hand, the prosperity caused by the mild and equitable administration rendered indirect taxation far more profitable to the government: legacies to the emperor, no longer compelled by fear, were dictated to a much greater extent by love, and holders of irregular successions, for which 'delatores' had hitherto been on the watch, were now induced by the promise of one-half of the estate to declare the irregularity and pay the other half into the 'aerarium.' If we add to this the spoils which presently came in from the Dacian wars, the balance would decidedly be in favour of the administration, the economy of which was increased by a financial commission appointed from the senate.1 With the year 101 the second part of Trajan's reign began. His power was consolidated in Rome, and he was able to turn his attention to foreign affairs. Of these by far the most pressing were the relations with the barbarian tribes on the Danube. Domitian's Dacian war had left these in a most unsatisfactory state. In spite of the nominal triumph of 91 A.D., the position of Decebalus was hardly weakened, while his purchase of warlike machines and other preparations pointed to a speedy renewal of the war. Trajan determined by prompt action to establish the same security along the Danube which the Rhine provinces now enjoyed. Whether he had determined at the outset to annex Dacia, or whether he contemplated only the reduction of Decebalus to the position of a client king, we cannot say. The details of the wars are imperfectly known. The fullest account was probably that of Dio Cassius, who, having himself been legate of Pannonia, must have had the opportunity of getting precise information ; but the abridgment of his lost work by Xiphilinus, our chief historical authority, is both meagre and inexact as to the order of events. However, by taking this as the basis, and using all the side lights thrown on the subject by inscriptions, medals, and traces of roads, and above all by the Columna Traiana at Rome, a fairly clear account of the general course of the wars has been rendered possible. Starting from Rome in March of 101,2 in which year he was Cos. IV.3 Trajan proceeded to Viminacium in Upper Moesia. A road had been already made by his orders along the right bank of the Danube, while a bridge of boats was prepared at Lederata. In all probability the invasion of Dacia was made at two points. While Trajan himself, with the Pannonian army under the legate Glitius Agricola, proceeded through the Banat past Berzovia and Ahilis, and through the Iron Gate, the Moesian army under M' Laberius passed through little Wallachia and joined the 1 Plin. Panegyr. 62; Ep. ii. 1. 2 Cohen, No. 135. 3 Plin. Panegyr. 78. 4 As a fragment of Trajan's own commentary proves, quoted by Priscian, vi p. 682. other at Tibiscum before reaching Sarmizegethusa. At this time there were nine legions posted along the Danube between Vindobona and Durostorum. From those, no doubt, the army of Trajan was selected, though he also had strong bodies of the praetorian cohorts and some Moorish cavalry under Lusius Quietus. Licinius Sura was chief of his staff and Hadrian his quaestor. The first war occupied two campaigns. The Dacians, helped by German and Sarmatian tribes, offered an obstinate resistance; but, undeterred by a warning message from the Bures,1 and by two embassies from Decebalus, Trajan steadily advanced towards the capital. Two battles were apparently fought, and Tibiscum and finally Sarmizegethusa captured. The result was that Decebalus was compelled to destroy his fortresses, surrender his engines of war, as well as the Roman deserters, and become a client of Rome. For two years the peace was maintained. Trajan received the title of Dacicus, assumed the consulship for the fifth time in 103, and distributed a second 'congiarium' to the people. Decebalus, however, who had apparently entered into some communications with Pacorus, king of Parthia,2 at once resumed his former tactics; fresh fortresses were raised, the territory of the Iapyges, now allies of Rome, violated, and the natural inaccessibility of the country increased, while attacks were probably made on the garrisons left in the country by Trajan.3 The emperor had, no doubt, foreseen some such result, and with a view to future operations had commissioned Apollodorus of Damascus to build a permanent bridge across the Danube at Drobetae, a marvel of engineering skill and boldness.* At the end of 104 war was again declared by the senate, and next year Dacia was once more invaded. Details are even scantier than in the former war. The Dacians apparently had this time no allies, while, in addition to the former routes, an army seems to have advanced up the valley of the Aluta, and through the Rothenthurm.5 The difficulties of the campaign were great, but consisted more in the nature of the country to be traversed and the maintenance of communications than in the actual resistance encountered. Some romance was added to the campaign by 1 Dio Cassius, 68, 8. 2 Plin. Ep. ad Trai. 16. 3 Dio Cassius, 68, 9. 4 Dio Cassius, 68. 5 Brambach, C. I. Rh. 405. |