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culpae suae vel erroris, quod essent soliti stato die ante lucem convenire carmenque Christo quasi deo dicere secum invicem, seque sacramento non in scelus aliquod obstringere, sed ne furta, ne latrocinia, ne adulteria committerent, ne fidem fallerent, ne depositum appellati abnegarent: quibus peractis morem sibi discedendi fuisse, rursusque coeundi ad capiendum cibum, promiscuum tamen et innoxium; quod ipsum facere desisse post edictum meum, quo secundum mandata tua hetaerias esse 8 vetueram. Quo magis necessarium credidi ex duabus ancillis,

the authorities.

6 coeundi, om. Avant., add. B. and Ald.
8 et caeras esse, Avant.

Tertullian says, 'si colligere interdiu non potes, potes noctem luce Christi luminari adversus eam.' The Christians were called in consequence 'latebrosa et lucifugax natio.'

Christo quasi deo. Tertullian, in referring to this correspondence, has 6 coetus antelucanos ad canendum Christo et deo.' However, whatever the doctrine of the early Church may have been with regard to the divinity of Christ, there can be no doubt that, to an outsider like Pliny, Christ appeared to be worshipped as a god. Cf. Euseb. Eccl. Hist. v, ο Ψαλμοί δὲ ὅσοι καὶ ᾠδαι ἀδελφῶν ἀπ' ἀρχῆς ὑπὸ πιστῶν γραφεῖσαι τὸν λόγον τοῦ θεοῦ τὸν χριστὸν ὑμνοῦσι θεολογοῦντες.

sacramento. Pliny evidently cites the word which these Christians themselves made use of. He seems to understand it in its ordinary sense as a quasimilitary oath, similar to that taken by the Catilinarian conspirators or those concerned in the Bacchanalia. It was, however, used by Tertullian certainly in its specially Christian sense in connection with the Eucharist: De Cor. Mil. cap. 3, 'Eucharistiae sacramentum, et in tempore victus et omnibus mandatum a Domino etiam antelucanis coetibus nec de aliarum manu quam praesidentium sumimus.' It was probably used in this sense by the Christians of Pliny's time.

non in scelus aliquod. The secrecy of these meetings would make them naturally suspected by the authorities, who would see in them one of those secret associations which Trajan was so careful to put down.

rursusque ad capiendum cibum. This no doubt alludes to the agapae or common feasts, which were held in the later part of the day. To these each contributed according to his means, and

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the poor were freely entertained. Tertullian, while asserting that these coitiones Christianorum' were 'inopum refocillandorum causa,' still implies that abuses crept in, 'Apud te agape in saeculis fervet: fides in culinis calet; spes in ferculis iacet.' More serious charges of immorality were popularly made against these agapae, and even these, Tertullian is forced to admit, were sometimes too well grounded: 'Sed major his est Agape, quia per hanc adolescentes tui cum sororibus dormiunt, appendices scilicet gulae lascivia atque luxuria est,' De Ieiun. c. 17.

promiscuum tamen, of the ordinary sort, etc. Pliny adds this, because it was popularly believed that the Christians at these meetings drank the blood of a murdered child, and bound themselves by the consciousness of this crime to mutual silence.

hetaerias esse vetueram. See on Ep. 33, § 2, for Trajan's view with regard to these associations. Iosephus says (Ant. Iud. 14) that when Iulius Caesar put down sodalitia by edict, he made an exception in favour of the Jews, and that this was confirmed by Dolabella and the senate, and afterwards by Augustus. Philo makes Agrippa plead the cause of the Jews with Caligula, ' μὴ γὰρ εἶναι συνόδους ἐκ μέθης καὶ παροινίας . . ws λυμαινέσθαι τὰ τῆς εἰρήνης ἀλλὰ διδασ καλεῖα σωφροσύνης καὶ δικαιοσύνης. Dio Cass. makes Maecenas advise Augustus,

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τοὺς δὲ δὴ ξενίζοντάς τι περὶ αὐτὸ τὸ θείον) μίσει καὶ κόλαζε, μὴ μόνον τῶν θεῶν ἕνεκα . ἀλλ' ὅτι καινά τινα δαιμόνια οἱ τοιοῦτοι ἀντεισφέροντες πολλοὺς ἀναπείθουσιν ἀλλοτριονομεῖν. κακ τούτου καὶ συνωμοσίαι καὶ συστάσεις ἑταιρείαί τε γίγνονται. ἅπερ ἥκιστα μοναρχίᾳ συμφέρει.

§ 8. duabus ancillis quae minis

quae ministrae dicebantur, quid esset veri et per tormenta quaerere. Nihil aliud inveni quam superstitionem pravam inmodicam. Ideo dilata cognitione ad consulendum te decucurri. Visa est enim mihi res digna consultatione, maxime propter 9 periclitantium numerum.: Multi enim omnis aetatis, omnis ordinis, utriusque sexus etiam, vocantur in periculum et vocabuntur. Neque civitates tantum sed vicos etiam atque agros superstitionis istius contagio pervagata est; quae videtur sisti et corrigi posse. Certe satis constat prope iam desolata tem- 10 pla coepisse celebrari et sacra 'sollemnia diu intermissa. repeti 9 corripi, Gronovius.

3 decurri, Avant.

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lays it down, lib. viii, De officio Procons. cap. I, servum alicuius corporis vel universitatis torquere licebit in eorum etiam caput qui eius corporis erant.' Again, Divus Hadrianus rescripsit a suspectissimo incipiendum et a quo facillime posse verum scire iudex crediderit.' In the persecution in Gaul under Marcus Aurelius it is said, 'subornatos ab adversariis et metu tormentorum etiam servos fuisse ut dicerent in Christianorum coetibus esse Thyestea quaedam convivia.'

superstitionem pravam immodicam. Cf. Tac. Ann. xv 44, 'exitiabilis superstitio'; and Suet. Ner. 16, 'superstitio nova et malefica.' Probably Pliny knew and cared as little about the Christians as his two friends before he went to Bithynia. There, however, Christianity was a prominent feature in the province; and it is to the credit of Pliny that, while he did not shrink from punishing the Christians for their obstinacy, he freely confesses that as far as his inquiries had gone they were a harmless and virtuous sect.

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vicos. The vici were small places 'attributed' to the municipal administration of the several civitates.' Isidor. Orig. 15, 2, 11, 'Vici et castella et pagi sunt quae nulla dignitate civitatis ornantur, sed vulgari hominum conventu incoluntur et propter parvitatem sui maioribus civitatibus attribuuntur.' See Marquadt, Staatsverw. i7.

§ 10. prope iam desolata templa. This gives an idea of the number o Christians in Bithynia at this time, and explains the action of the government, which, however it might tolerate other cults, could not allow the state worship to be impaired. It was the proselytising tendency of both Judaism and Christianity which probably brought them first into collision with the authorities. Döring appositely quotes Prudentius, Plebs in sacellis rarior: Christi ad tribunal curritur.'

pastumque venire victimarum. Just as the trade of the silver-shrine makers at Ephesus was endangered by the increase of Christianity caused by Paul's preaching, so in Bithynia the farmers who brought into the various markets food for the temple victims were in danger of being ruined. Private persons who had made a vow would naturally provide their own victims, as Horace was prepared to do in the case of his friend Virgil's return. It is unnecessary to suppose with Orelli that there is any allusion here to contracts for supplying the food. Neither venire' nor emptor' suit this interpretation. The reading of Avantius is passumque venire,' which is, however, altered in the margin of the Bodleian copy to 'pastum.' Aldus alters to 'passimque venire victimas quarum.'

pastumque venire victimarum, cuius adhuc rarissimus emptor inveniebatur. Ex quo facile est opinari quae turba hominum emendari possit, si sit paenitentiae locus.

I passum, Avant,

pastum, B.

passimque venire victimas, Ald.

XCVII [XCVIII]

TRAIANUS PLINIO S.

1 Actum quem debuisti, mi Secunde, in excutiendis causis eorum qui Christiani ad te delati fuerant secutus es. Neque enim in universum aliquid quod quasi certam formam habeat 2 constituti potest. Conquirendi non sunt: si deferantur et arguantur, puniendi sunt, ita tamen ut qui negaverit se Christi4 deferentur, Avant.

You have adopted the proper course, my dear Pliny, in dealing with the Christians who have been brought before you. No general or definite ruling can be laid down. They are not to be hunted out, but if brought before you and convicted they must be punished. Those, however, who deny their Christianity and prove their denial by praying to our gods, may wipe out past suspicions, and secure a free pardon by their recantation. Anonymous accusations of all sorts are inadmissible. They are contrary to the spirit of our time.

§ 1. actum. Cf. Ep. 28, 'cum ad pristinum actum reversus fuerit.'

in excutiendis causis. Cf. Cic. Part. Or. 36, 134, 'explicando excutiendoque verbo'; Quint. v 7, 37, Quae

fere omnia Cicero in crimine veneficii excutit.'

neque enim universum aliquid. Cf. Ep. 65 and 66 and 113, 'in universum a me non potest statui.'

Ter

§ 2. conquirendi non sunt. tullian in referring to this correspondence says, 'Invenimus inquisitionem quoque in nos prohibitam. Plinius enim Secundus, cum provinciam regeret, damnatis quibusdam Christianis, quibusdam gradu pulsis, ipsa tamen multitudine perturbatus quid de ceteris ageret, consuluit tum Traianum imperatorem, allegans praeter obstinationem non sacrificandi nihil aliud se de sacris eorum comperisse quam coetus antelucanos ad canendum Christo et deo et ad confoederandam disciplinam : homicidium, adulterium, fraudem, perfidiam

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et cetera scelera prohibentes. Tunc Traianus rescripsit hoc genus quidem inquirendos non esse, oblatos vero puniri oportere.' So Eusebius: Tò XPLOTIAVŵv φῦλον μὴ ἐκζητεῖσθαι μέν, ἔμπεσον δε κολάSeola. Tertullian then proceeds: 'O sententiam necessitate confusam : negat inquirendos ut innocentes: mandat puniri ut nocentes parcit et saevit : dissimulat et animadvertit.' There was no real inconsistency, however, in Trajan's rescript. Ulpian says, Dig. 1, 18, 13, 'Congruit bono et gravi praesidi curare ut pacata atque quieta provincia sit quam regit: quod non difficile obtinebit si agat ut malis hominibus provincia careat, eosque conquirat : nam et sacrilegos, latrones, plagiarios, fures conquirere debet et prout quisque deliquerit in eam animadvertere. In ordinary cases it was a principle of Roman law that no one could be tried, condemned, or punished_without an accuser. See Cic. pro Roscio. Trajan therefore, in this edict, merely rules that this ordinary procedure should obtain in the case of the Christians. is convinced by Pliny's letter that they cannot be fairly classed among 'latrones, sacrilegi, fures,' etc., and therefore the initiative allowed to governors in their case is not permissible in this. If, however, they were definitely accused and convicted, they would of course be punished. It is not true therefore that Trajan 'negat inquirendos ut innocentes'; but simply 'ut non latrones,' etc. It would be necessary, before Pliny could examine the Christians, that they should be brought

He

anum esse idque re ipsa manifestum fecerit, id est supplicando diis nostris, quamvsi suspectus in praeteritum, veniam ex paenitentia inpetret. Sine auctore vero propositi libelli in nullo crimine locum habere debent.

nostri saeculi est.

before him with a definite elogium, or statement of the grounds of accusation, and with an accuser to support it. Tertullian, ad Scapulam, says, 'quemdam praesidem, qui Prudens appellabatur, missum ad se Christianum cum elogio dimisisse scisso elogio et negare sine accusatore se auditurum hominem.'

puniendi sunt, i.e. qua Christians. It was the nomen ipsum which merited punishment, for the 'crimina nomini cohaerentia' are already ignored in the injunction 'conquirendi non sunt.' As to the punishment see note on 'duci,' Ep. 96; Tertull. in Scep. says, 'ab initio mandatum fuisse ut gladio animadver

teretur in Christianos.

veniam ex paenitentia inpetret: answer to Pliny's question, 'detur paeni

Nam et pessimi exempli nec

tentiae venia an ei qui omnino Christianus
fuit desisse non prosit.'
Cf. Ep. 55,

nec nostri saeculi est.
'non est ex iustitia nostrorum temporum,'
and note, Ep. i § 2.

It may be as well to quote the passage of Orosius referring to these letters, lib. 7, c. 12: 'In persequendis Christianis errore deceptus Traianus imperator, tertius a Nerone, cum passim repertos cogi ad sacrificandum idolis ac renuentes interfici praecepisset, plurimique interficerentur, Plinii Secundi, qui inter ceteros iudices persecutor datus fuerat, relatu admonitus eos homines praeter confessionem Christi honestaque conventicula nihil contrarium Romanis legibus facere, fiducia sane innocentis confessionis nemini mortem gravem ac formidolosam videri, rescriptum illico lenioribus mitigavit edictis.'

XCVIII [XCVIIII]

De platea Amastrianorum

C. PLINIUS TRAIANO IMPERATORI

Amastrianorum civitas, domine, et elegans et ornata habet i inter praecipua opera pulcherrimam eandemque longissimam plateam; cuius a latere per spatium omne porrigitur nomine quidem flumen, re verà cloaca foedissima ac sicut turpis inmunac situ, Avant.

4 vero, Avant.

The elegant and beautiful city of Amastris, sire, has among its principal features a long and splendid street, along the side of which there runs what is called a river, but in reality is a noisome sewer, offensive to the eye, and emitting the foulest odours. It concerns the health no less than the appearance of the city that this should be covered up. If you will permit this to be done I will see that money is forthcoming for so necessary a work.

§ 1. Amastrianorum civitas. Amastris formerly called Sesamum (Plin. h. n. vi 2), and deriving its later name from Amastris, the daughter of Orathres, and wife of Dionysius, tyrant of Heraclea

-was a town on the coast of Paphlagonia with a double harbour; Strab. xii p. 544. It was one of the eleven regions into which Pompeius divided Pontus, and was the metropolis of the ora Pontica, as its coins show; Eckhel, ii 386. It was also the seat of the Kowev TOû ПIÓνTOV, or concilium Ponti; C. I. Gr. 4149 and 4157.

plateam. That platea may be and probably is a street lined with houses is proved by Ter. Andr. iv 5, I, 'in hac habitasse platea dictum est Chrysidem.'

porrigitur. Cf. Ep. v 6, 9, 'sub his per latus omne vineae porriguntur,' etc.

ac sicut is Orelli's emendation for the

2 dissimo aspectu ita pestilens odore teterrimo. Quibus ex causis non minus salubritatis quam decoris interest eam contegi: quod fiet, si permiseris curantibus nobis ne desit quoque pecunia operi tam magno quam necessario.

unintelligible reading of Avantius, 'ac situ.'

§ 2. ne desit quoque pecunia. These trifling matters are only brought under Trajan's notice on account of the

financial embarrassments into which most of the cities of the province had fallen; and which rendered even necessary improvements matters of serious consideration. Cf. Ep. 18, 24, 38, 43, 47.

XCVIIII [C]

TRAIANUS PLINIO S.

Rationis est, mi Secunde carissime, contegi aquam istam quae per civitatem Amastrianorum fluit, si intecta salubritati obest. Pecunia ne huic operi desit curaturum te secundum diligentiam tuam certum habeo.

There is good reason that the water which flows through Amastris should be covered up, if it is injurious to health. I

have every confidence that you will not let money be wanting for the work.

C [CI]
Votorum nuncupatio

C. PLINIUS TRAIANO IMPERATORI

Vota, domine, priore anno nuncupata alacres laetique persolvimus novaque rursus certante commilitonum et provincialium pietate suscepimus, precati deos ut te remque publicam I priore anno, Mommsen.

priorum annorum, Avant. and Ald.

The vows which we solemnly repeated for the past year we have paid amid enthusiasm and rejoicing, and we have renewed them for the coming year, the soldiers and provincials vieing with one another in loyalty, and praying that the gods may preserve you and the republic in that prosperity which your many virtues deserve.

These are the vota sollemnia of Jan. 3, 113 A.D. See note on Ep. 35.

priore anno. I have adopted Mommsen's conjecture for 'priorum annorum

of all the editions. It was only the vows

2 certante, Cellarius.

curante, Avant. and Ald.

for the preceding year which were paid at the beginning of the next.

nuncupata. See on Ep. 35.

certante commilitonum et provincialium pietate. Cf. Ep. 35, 'vos cum provincialibus'; and 52, 'eadem provincialibus certatim pietate iurantibus'; 'certante is the conjecture of Cellarius for 'curante,' of Avantius.

sanctitate. See note on sanctissime, Ep. 1.

obsequio is the emendation of Beroaldus for 'obsequi' (Avantius), which Catanaeus altered into 'consequi.'

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