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thiae regi, pluribusque annis in ministerio eius fuisse, deinde 2 fugisse atque ita in Nicomediam pervenisse. Quem ego perductum ad me, cum eadem narrasset, mittendum ad te putavi; quod paulo tardius feci, dum requiro gemmam, quam sibi habentem imaginem Pacori et quibus ornatus fuisset subtractam 3 indicabat. Volui enim hanc quoque, si inveniri potuisset, simul mittere, sicut glebulam misi quam se ex Parthico metallo attulisse dicebat. Signata est anulo meo, cuius est aposphragisma quadriga.

I

5 et quibus insignibus ornatus fuisset, Cat.

§ 2. mittendum ad te putavi. Evidently because he might have revelations of importance to make either as to the relations which had existed between Dacia and Parthia, or as to the present conditions and designs of Parthia.

dum requiro, since I am looking for. On this causal use of 'dum,' cf. on Ep. 38.

et quibus ornatus fuisset, and his royal robes. Catanaeus conjectures 'et quibus insignibus, orn. fuis.' Mommsen, 'cum aliis quibus orn. fuis.' Orelli,

et cuius ornatus fuisset, Orell.

'et cuius ornatus fuisset.' The whole sentence, however, is so awkward that the traditional reading may very likely be right. In any case it seems clear that 'quibus ornatus fuisset' is governed by habentem, and therefore Mommsen's conjecture seems out of place.

§ 3. glebulam, probably of gold. aposphragisma quadriga; cf Capit. Claud. 2, 'quin et super hoc ad procuratores meos litteras misi quas ipse signatas excipies signo Amazoniae.

LXXV [LXXVIIII]

De testamento Largi

C. PLINIUS TRAIANO IMPERATORI

Iulius, domine, Largus ex Ponto nondum mihi visus ac ne auditus quidem (scilicet iudicio tuo credidit) dispensationem quandam mihi erga te pietatis suae ministeriumque mandavit. 2 Rogavit enim testamento ut hereditatem suam adirem cerneremque ac deinde praeceptis quinquaginta milibus nummum

2 credit, Avant. and Ald.

§ 1. Iulius Largus, sire, of Pontus, though never yet seen or heard of by me, has made me the minister and steward of his loyal feelings towards you. § 2. He has begged me in his will to formally enter into his inheritance, all of which, after deducting 50,000 sesterces for my own use, I am to pay over to the states of Heraclea and Tium, it being left for my decision whether public works should be constructed in your honour, or quinquennial games instituted in your name. I bring the matter before you that you may guide my decision.

§ I. scilicet iudicio tuo credidit, i.e. in selecting Pliny for the mission to

5 perceptis, Avant. and Ald.

Bithynia. On this sense of iudicium, cf. Ep. 4, ut gloriari. . . iudiciis tuis possim,' and note ad loc.

§ 2. ut hereditatem suam adirem cerneremque; Gaius, ii 162, 'extraneis autem heredibus (i.e. qui testatoris iuri subiecti non sunt) deliberandi potestas data est de adeunda hereditate vel non adeunda.' The heir had to make a formal declaration 'cretio' within a certain time, usually 60 or 100 days, whether he would accept the hereditus. Gaius, ii 164, 'extraneis heredibus solet cretio dari, id est finis deliberandi ut intra certum tempus vel adeant hereditatem, vel si non adeant, temporis fine summove

reliquum omne Heracleotarum et Tianorum civitatibus redderem, ita ut esset arbitrii mei utrum opera facienda quae honori tuo consecrarentur putarem an instituendos quinquennales

antur ideo autem cretio appellata est, quia cernere est quasi decernere et constituere.' The usual formula in wills was 'Heres Titius esto: cernitoque in centum diebus proxumis'; § 166, 'et qui ita heres institutus est, si velit heres esse, debebit intra diem cretionis cernere, id est haec verba dicere'; 'Quod me (Iulius Largus) testamento suo heredem instituit, eam hereditatem adeo cernoque.' Cf. Cic. ad Att. xi 2, 'eo ipso die ex testamento crevi hereditatem'; and xiii 46, 'Tum ex eo cognovi cretionem Cluvii, liberam cretionem, testibus praesentibus, sexaginta diebus'; Liv. xxiv 25. For 'adire hereditatem,' cf. Cic. Phil. ii 16, cum ipse hereditatem patris non adisses'; Suet. Aug. 8.

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praeceptis quinquaginta milibus nummum. 'Praeceptis' is no doubt the right reading, not 'perceptis,' as Avantius reads. Cf. Plin. Ep. v 7, I, 'Saturninus autem, qui nos reliquit heredes, quadrantem reipublicae nostrae, deinde pro quadrante praeceptionem quadringentorum milium dedit.' Dig. 30, 125, si heres centum praecipere iussus sit,' etc.; and 36, 1, 63, 'sed cum praecepta aliqua re aut summa rogatus sit heres restituere,' etc. Gierig's quotation of Suet. Aug. 101 in favour of perceptis is not to the point, quamvis viginti proximis annis quaterdecies millies ex testamentis amicorum percepisset,' where percep. is not a technical term at all. So in Suet. Tib. 15, 'ne hereditatem quidem aut legata percepit ulla,' etc. Praecipere can be used only of the heres; percipere either of the heres or the legatarius.

reliquum omne H. et T. civitatibus

redderem. Civitates as 'personae in

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certae' could neither receive inheritances or legacies (Ulp. Frag. xxii 5), because there was no one to go through the solemn form of cretio. Cf. Plin. Ep. v 7, 1, nec heredem institui nec percipere posse rempublicam constat,' and so the will of Saturninus, which left a praeceptionem quadringentorum milium to the city of Comum, was, as Pliny says, 'si ius adspicias, irritum, si defuncti voluntatem, ratum et firmum est.' But by the senatus_consultum Afranianum, passed under Trajan, they might receive property by means of fidei - commissum. Dig. 36, 1, 26, 'Omnibus civitatibus quae sub imperio populi Romani sunt,

restitui debere et posse hereditatem fideicommissam Afranianum senatus consultum iubet.' The hereditas in question there was an 'hereditas fidei commissaria' hence the expression 'rogavit testamento.' Cf. Gaius, ii 249, 'Verba autem fidei commissorum haec in usu esse videntur peto: rogo. volo. fidei committo.' By the senatus consultum Pegasianum, A.D. 70, the heres was allowed to retain one-fourth part of the estate against the fidei-commissarius; just as by the lex Falcidia he would retain one-fourth against the legatarii. Gaius, ii 254, 'sed rursus quia heredes scripti, cum aut totam hereditatem aut paene totam plerumque restituere rogabantur, adire hereditatem ob nullum aut minimum lucrum recusabant, atque ob id extinguebantur fidei commissa, postea Pegaso et Pusione consulibus senatus censuit ut ei qui rogatus esset hereditatem restituere perinde liceret quartam partem retinere atque e lege Falcidia in legatis retinere conceditur.' His position had already been improved by the senatus consultum Trebellianum, passed under Nero, by which all actiones in connection with the estate were to be against the fidei commissarius, and not against the heir. Gaius, ii 253. If the heir were asked to deduct, not a fourth of the estate, but some particular sum or thing, equal to not less than one-fourth, as in the present case, he had a certain further advantage in that he received this sum free from all encumbrances, as if he had acquired it under a legacy; whereas by receiving generally one-fourth he was subject to that proportion of the actiones against the estate. Just. ii 23, 9, 'si quis una aliqua re deducta sive praecepta . . . rogatus sit restituere hereditatem,' etc. See Hunter's Roman Law, pp. 630-641.

Heracleotarum. Heraclea Pontica and its territory formed one of the eleven regions into which Pompeius divided Pontus, Strab. xii 541. It was founded about 550 B.C. by Megarians and Tanagraeans (Ptol. v 26, 6), in the territory of the Maryandini. Pliny, h. n. vi I, says it was 'oppidum Lyco flumini oppositum.' It was at one time a flourishing seaport, and one of the chief seats of the lucrative tunny fishery. Since the Mithridatic wars, however, it had declined.

agonas qui Traiani appellarentur. Quod in notitiam tuam perferendum existimavi ob hoc maxime, ut dispiceres quid eligere debeam.

I quae Traiani, Avant.

Tianorum.

appellantur, Avant.

Tium or Tios (Greek coins have Teios and Tecavol) was also on the coast, 38 miles from Heraclea, Plin. h. n. vi 1, 'oppidum Tium ab Heraclea triginta octo milia passuum,' and was founded by the Milesians, Arr. Peripl. Eux. p. 14, on the river Billaeus.

opera facienda. It was no unusual thing for money to be left to civitates for such purposes. Dig. 30, 122, 'Civi

tatibus legari potest etiam quod ad honorem ornatumque civitatis pertinet: ad ornatum puta, quod ad instrumentum, forum, theatrum, stadium legatum fuerit: ad honorem puta quod ad munus edendum, venationem ve ludos scenicos, ludos Circenses relictum fuerit.'

instituendos quinquennales agonas. These periodical local agones, which comprised the usual gymnastic contests, and sometimes musical competitions also, were extremely common among the Greek-speaking parts of the empire. As Trajan says to Pliny, 'Gymnasiis indulgent Graeculi,' and the towns of Asia Minor vied with one another in the splendour of these celebrations, occasionally, for the sake of greater éclat, calling them after the name of the reigning emperor. Augustus had set the example of encouraging these agones by establishing quinquennial games at Nicopolis in commemoration of the battle of Actium. Suet. Aug. 18, 'urbem Nicopolim apud Actium credidit, ludosque illic quinquennales constituit'; and c. 98, 'tamen et quinquennale certamen gymnicum, honori suo institutum, perspectavit.' These, however, were more than local contests; they were rather placed on the same standing as the Olympian Games, and time was even reckoned occasionally by Actiads, Ioseph. Bell. Iud. i 20, 4. This example was soon taken up in the provinces. The first King Herod of Judaea founded similar games in 8 B.C., Ioseph. Ant. Iud. xvi 5, I; and a large number of towns in the other provinces did the same; Suet. Aug. 59, Provinciarum pleraeque super templa et aras ludos quoque quinquennales paene oppidatim constituerunt.' In Antioch and Alexandria indeed the quinquennial games thus established were

appellentur, Ald.

6

called 'Ακτιακοί ; C. I. Gr. 5804, *τὸν ἐν ̓Αντιοχείᾳ ἱερον πενταετηρικὸν ἀγῶνα ̓Ακτιακῶν παίδων, and C. I. L. ii 4136. Nor were these games confined entirely to the East. Quinquennial games were established in Rome under the care of the four priestly colleges, Dio Cass. 53, 1, and Momms. Res. Gest. d. Aug. p. 41; and that those comprised the Greek athletic exercises is proved by Suet. Aug. 44, athletarum vero spectaculo muliebre sexus omne summovit,' etc. Nero did the same thing on a larger scale; Suet. Ner. 12, 'Instituit et quinquennale certamen primus omnium Romae more Graeco triplex, musicum, gymnicum equestre, quod appellavit Neronia.' Cf. Tac. Ann. xiv 20; Eckhel, Doct. Num. v 264, 'CER. QVINQ. ROM. CON. S. C.' A similar, though more permanent, institution was that of the agones Capitolini' by Domitian, Suet. Dom. 4; Mart. iv 1, 6; Juv. vi 387. For the athletic portion of this celebration Domitian built a stadium in the Campus Martius, on the site of which is the present Piazza Navona (Campus Agonis). But though these Capitolini agones were kept up for centuries at Rome, they were never looked upon with favour by the better classes of Romans; nor were the towns in the west allowed to follow the example of the Greek provinces. Cf. Plin. Ep. iv 22, 'Interfui principis optimi cognitioni, in consilium adsumptus. Gymnicus agon apud Viennenses ex cuiusdam testamento celebrabatur. Hunc Trebonius Rufinus

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LXXVI [LXXX]

TRAIANUS PLINIO S.

Iulius Largus fidem tuam, quasi te bene nosset, elegit. Quid ergo potissimum ad perpetuitatem memoriae eius faciat secundum cuiusque loci conditionem ipse dispice, et quod optimum existimaveris, id sequere.

2 optimum, B. and Ald. potissimum, Avant.

In the confidence he has placed in you, Iulius Largus has behaved as if he knew you well. Do you yourself choose whatever you think is best fitted to perpetuate his memory, and to improve the condition of the two towns.

quasi te bene nosset; although he

4 insequere, Avant, and Ald. inquire, Cat.

was really nondum visus ac ne auditus quidem.

ad perpetuitatem faciat. Cf. Ovid. Her. vi 128, 'Medeae faciunt ad scelus omne manus;' and Amor. i 2, 16, 'Frena minus sentit, quisquis in arma facit.'

LXXVII [LXXXI]

De centurione Iuliopolim mittendo

C. PLINIUS TRAIANO IMPERATORI

Providentissime, domine, fecisti quod praecepisti Calpurnio 1 Macro, clarissimo viro, ut legionarium centurionem Byzantium

§ I. It was a prudent measure, sire, to instruct Calpurnius Macer that he should send a legionary centurion to Byzantium. § 2. Would it not be as well to give the same assistance to Iuliopolis? It is a small city, but its burdens are great, and the injuries to which it is exposed heavier in proportion to its weakness. § 3. Any relief you grant to Iuliopolis will benefit the whole province, as it stands on the frontier of Bithynia, and crowds of merchants have to pass through it.

§ 1. Calpurnio Macro, clarissimo viro. See on Ep. 42.

legionarium centurionem. Another proof, if one were wanted, that Macer was legate of Lower Moesia. Apart from Moesia, the nearest province which contained legionary troops was Cappadocia. At this time Moesia Inferior had three legions-I Italica, V Macedonia, XI Claudia. See Eng. Historic. Review, No. 8, p. 649.

Byzantium mitteret. Trajan gives the reason for this step, Ep. 78. By

In

zantium was so crowded with travellers and merchants from all parts that the police arrangements were especially important and especially difficult, and therefore a detachment of legionary soldiers under a centurion was sent to assist the civil authorities to preserve order. most parts of the empire it was rare for legionary troops to be quartered in the cities, but the population of the Syrian towns was so turbulent that the Syrian legions, much to their own demoralisation, were to a much greater extent posted in the towns, Momms. Rom. Gesch. v 448. § 2. Iuliopolitanis. Iuliopolis was originally called Gordiu-come (Topdiov Kúμm), Plin. h. n. v 32, inter quas Gordiu - come quae Iuliopolis vocatur.' In the reign of Augustus it was rebuilt by a robber chieftain who had submitted to the empire, and called by the name of Iuliopolis, Momms. Rom. Gesch. v 304. It was on the borders of Bithynia and Galatia, on the main road between Nicaea and Ancyra.

2 mitteret.

Dispice an etiam Iuliopolitanis simili ratione consulendum putes, quorum civitas, cum sit perexigua, onera maxima sustinet tantoque graviores iniurias quanto est infirmior patitur. Quidquid autem Iuliopolitanis praestiteris, id 3 etiam toti provinciae proderit. Sunt enim in capite Bithyniae

plurimisque per eam commeantibus transitum praebent.

I mitteretur, Avant.

dispiciebam etiam, Avant.

ut dispicias, B. and Ald.
dispice an etiam, Cat.

simili ratione, on similar grounds.

onera maxima sustinet. The portoria, or import dues, were levied over all the empire, not only at the frontiers of the empire, but at all the border towns of the provinces. These portoria, usually 2 per cent (Quintil. Declam. 359, 'praeter instrumenta itineris omnes res quadragesimam publicano debeant'), were let out to publicani, who, even under the most watchful administration of the emperors, too often oppressed the people. Tac. Ann. xiii 50, eodem anno crebris populi flagitationibus immodestiam publicanorum arguentis dubitavit Nero an cuncta vectigalia omitti iuberet, sed impetum eius attinuere senatores, dissolutionem imperii docendo, si fructus, quibus respublica sustineretur, deminuerentur, quippe sublatis portoriis sequens, ut tributorum abolitio expostularetur.' Tac. Ann. iv 6, 'At frumenta et pecuniae vectigales (ie. portoria) cetera publicorum fructuum societatibus equitum Romanorum agitabantur.' For the collection of these portoria special districts were formed, usually comprising several provinces, the guilds of publicani being superintended by imperial procuratores. Thus we have in inscrr. 'procuratores Augusti quadragesimae Galliarum'; 'publicani provinciae Britanniae Londinenses'; 'conductor portori Illyrici.' With regard to Bithynia, see Henzen, 5530, where a C. Furius Sabinius is described as 'Procurator provinciae Bithyniae, Ponti, Paphlagoniae tam patrimonii quam rationum privatarum, ibi vice procurator quadragesimae.' That these taxes weighed upon the provincials is clear from the

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graviores iniurias. These injuries are not due to the publicani, against whom the centurion would have no means of protecting the town, but to the disturbances arising from the number of strangers constantly passing through it.

§ 3. in capite Bithyniae, at the extremity, or the confines, of B. Cf. Plin. Ep. ii 17, 19, ‘In capite xysti cryptoporticus est'; v 6, 19, 'a capite porticus triclinium excurrit.'

plurimis per eam commeantibus. The main road from Nicaea to Ancyra passed through Iuliopolis. Ancyra was the meeting-place of three great roads— (1) from Sinope; this road crossed that from Nicomedeia to Amasia at Gangra, and then was continued to Ancyra; (2) from Nicopolis in Little Armenia, passing Sebastia, also a great meeting-place of roads, and Tavia; (3) from Melitene in Cappadocia, the headquarters of a legion, xii Fulminata. These were all important trade routes, and Iuliopolis, small town as it was, and situated at the entrance of Bithynia, certainly seemed to Occupy an exceptional position, which made Pliny's request not unreasonable.

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