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conlapsa est, ac iam paene nihil ex ea nisi solum superest; quod tu, domine, sive donaveris civitati sive venire iusseris, propter opportunitatem loci pro summo munere accipiet. Ego, si 3 permiseris, cogito in area vacua balineum conlocare, eum autem locum in quo aedificia fuerunt exedra et porticibus amplecti tibique consecrare, cuius beneficio elegans opus dignumque nomine tuo fiet. Exemplar testamenti, quamquam mendosum, 4 misi tibi; ex quo cognosces multa Polyaenum in eiusdem domus ornatum reliquisse, quae ut domus ipsa perierunt, a me tamen, in quantum potuerit, requirentur.

3 accipiet. Ego, Cat.
accipi et ego, Avant. and Ald.
4 eum autem, Avant.

6 tibique, B. atque tibi, Ald.
quae tibi, Avant.

7

Wilm. 2459, lares et imagines domini nostri Caesaris,' also 1731, 2241, etc.

sive donaveris, etc. Having been left to Claudius by testament, it became part of the patrimonium Caesaris, although apparently the town of Prusa had been allowed to receive the rent, reditum civitas percepit.'

accipiet. The prominent position of 'tu'-'quod tu domine,' makes the change of person rather awkward. We should rather have expected summum munus

dabis.'

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§3. in area vacua. Dig. 50, 16, 211, 'locus sine aedificio in urbe area'; Suet. Vesp. 8, vacuas areas occupare et aedificare, si possessores cessarent, cuicunque permisit.' It is here, all the premises in and around the house not actually occupied with buildings. Cf. Plin. Ep. vi 20, 4, 'resedimus in area domus quae mare a tectis modico spatio dividebat,' and Ep. vii 27, 10, 'postquam deflexit in aream domus.'

exedra et porticibus. The exedrae were rooms for conversation or lectures or recitations. They were often added to private houses. Cf. Cic. de orat. iii 5, 17, cum in eam exedram venisset in qua

exempla, Avant. 8 eundem, Avant.

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Crassus lectulo posito recubuisset, and Nat. Deor. i 6, nam cum feriis Latinis ad eum ipsius rogatu . . venissem, offendi eum sedentem in exedra cum C. Velleio senatore disputantem.' Both gymnasia and public baths on a large scale were furnished with these exedrae. They were usually semicircular recesses with seats in the colonnades, Vitruv. v II, Constituuntur in porticibus exedrae spatiosae, habentes sedes in quibus philosophi, rhetores reliquique qui studiis delectantur sedentes disputare possint.' In large baths like those of Caracalla at Rome these exedrae were often separate from the actual bathing establishment, and skirted the stadium, or open grounds round the baths. See Middleton's Rome, p. 357. On porticibus see note to Ep. 39, § 3.

tibi consecrare, by an altar or shrine. dignum nomine tuo. Cf. Ep. 41, opera non minus aeternitate tua quam gloria digna.'

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§4. exemplar. Cf. Ep. iv 7, 2, 'eundem (librum) in exemplaria mille transcriptum per totam Italiam provinciasque dimisit.' in quantum. Cf. Juv. xiv 318, and Mayor's note.

LXXI [LXXVI]

TRAIANUS PLINIO S.

Possumus apud Prusenses area ista cum domo conlapsa, quam vacare scribis, ad extructionem balinei uti.

2 balinei ut, Avant.

There is no objection to using the ruined house with the empty space be

Illud tamen

longing to it as the site for the new bath
at Prusa.
You did not, however, clearly

parum expressisti an aedes in peristylio Claudio facta esset. Nam si facta est, licet conlapsa sit, religio eius occupavit solum.

say whether the proposed shrine to Claudius in the peristylium was completed; because, if so, notwithstanding its ruinous state, the soil is still consecrated to him.

quam vacare scribis. Pliny had implied this by the words 'tota collapsa est.'

parum expressisti, you have not clearly stated.

religio eius occupavit solum. Cf. Cic. ad Att. iv 1, 7, 'Qui (pontifices) si sustulerint religionem, aream praeclaram habebimus." Trajan's scruples in

connection with this shrine of Claudius are in marked contrast with his answer to Pliny on the subject of moving the temple of Cybele in Ep. 50, where he said, 'solum peregrinae civitatis capax non est dedicationis quae fit nostro iure.' But political considerations would enter into the present case, and Trajan could not sanction any appearance of disrespect to a deified predecessor. Pliny probably thought that his intention of consecrating the place to Trajan would answer the requirements of the case.

LXXII [LXXVII]

De adsertione ingenuorum

C. PLINIUS TRAIANO IMPERATORI

Postulantibus quibusdam ut de agnoscendis liberis restituendisque natalibus et secundum epistulam Domitiani scriptam Minicio Rufo et secundum exempla proconsulum ipse cognoscerem, respexi ad senatus consultum pertinens ad eadem ge

I cognoscendis, Avant.

Certain persons have demanded that I should myself hear cases concerning the acknowledgment of children and their instalment as free-born citizens, in accordance with a letter of Domitian and the practice of previous proconsuls. I referred to a decree of the senate on these subjects, but this only relates to senatorial provinces, and I have therefore postponed the matter until I receive your instructions.

de agnoscendis liberis. This was the question as to the acknowledgment of children by their father, when there was any suspicion of adultery on the part of the mother. Ulpian in the Digest, 25, 3, I, mentions a senatus consultum quod factum est de liberis agnoscendis'; he says, 'duas species complectitur, unam eorum qui agnoscunt, aliam earum quae falsum pactum subiciunt.' The wife had to give formal notice of her pregnancy within thirty days of the divorce; and the husband might either send 'custodes,' or at once declare that the child was not his. restituendis natalibus. The 'resti

agnoscendis, Ald. and Budaeus.

tutio natalium' was the granting of the privileges of free-born citizenship to one born in a servile condition; and accordingly was often granted to 'libertini,' who then had complete rights over his own property, and could even be enlisted in the legions, which freedmen could never do (see Momms. in Hermes, xix p. 27). The phrase 'natalibus restituere,' was based on the theory that the original condition of men was one of freedom, and so a slave on becoming ingenuus is only restored to his original right. The 'natalium restitutio' would be granted only by the emperor himself. See Digest 40, 11, 2, 'Interdum et servi nati ex post facto iuris interventu ingenui fiunt, ut ecce si libertinus a principe natalibus suis restitutus fuerit. Illis enim utique natalibus restituitur, in quibus initio omnes homines fuerunt non in quibus ipse nascitur, cum servus natus esset, hic enim, quantum ad totum ius pertinet, perinde habetur atque si ingenuus natus esset, nec patronus eius potest ad successionem venire, ideoque imperatores non facile solent quemquam

nera causarum, quod de iis tantum provinciis loquitur quibus proconsules praesunt; ideoque rem integram distuli, dum tu, domine, praeceperis quid observare me velis.

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natalibus restituere nisi consentiente patrono,' and again, § 3, ea res nec dubitationem habet nec unquam habuit, quin exploratum sit ad omnem ingenuitatis statum restitui eum qui isto beneficio (nat. rest.) principis utatur.' In the present case the question of natalium restitutio is clearly connected with that

de agnoscendis liberis,' possibly in this way. If a child born from an ancilla were recognised by the father, the latter could then present a petition to the emperor for the natalium restitutio,' on the child's account; but see note on Ep. 73.

Minicio Rufo. L. Minicius Rufus was apparently a proconsul of Bithynia under Domitian: he was consul in 88 A.D.; Censorinus, 17, II. See Mommsen's index.

ipse cognoscerem. The proconsul might decide the question 'de liberis agnoscendis,' and he might make the necessary preliminary inquiries in connection with the restitutio natalium,' but the latter he could in no case grant of his own authority.

ad senatus consultum. Possibly the one mentioned by Ulpian above.

iis provinciis quibus proconsules praesunt, i.e. the senatorial provinces,

all of which were governed by men who had the honorary title of proconsul, although Asia and Africa only were actually held by 'consulares': the rest by praetorii.' See Dio Cass. 53, 13, · ἔπειτα δὲ τοὺς μὲν (i.e. the senatorial governors) καὶ ἐπετησίους καὶ κληρωτοὺς εἶναι, πλὴν εἰ τῳ πολυπαιδίας ἢ γάμου προνημία προσείη καὶ ἔκ τε τοῦ κοινοῦ τῆς γερουσίας συλλόγον πέμπεσθαι, μήτε ξίφος παραζωννυμένους, μήτε στρατιωτικῇ ἐσθῆτι, χρωμένους· καὶ ἀνθυπάτους καλεῖσθαι μὴ ὅτι τοὺς δύο τοὺς ὑπατευκότας ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους τῶν ἐστρατηγηκότων ἢ δοκούντων γε ἐστρατηγηκέναι μόνον ὄντας· ῥαβδούχοις τε σφᾶς ἑκατέρους ὅσοις περ καὶ ἐν τῷ ἄστει νενομίσται, χρῆσθαι τοὺς δὲ ἑτέρους ὑπὸ τε ἑαυτοῦ αἱρεῖσθαι, καὶ πρεσβευτὰς αὐτοῦ ἀντιστρατήγους τε ὀνομάζεσθαι κἂν ἐκ τῶν ὑπατευκότων ὦσι, διέταξε. At the present time Bithynia was in a doubtful position; it was still a senatorial province, but for the time being it was administered by a legatus Augusti, a change, which as far as Pliny knew, Trajan might have intended to make permanent, and indeed, after 135 A.D. it did become regularly an imperial province.

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LXXIII [LXVIII]

TRAIANUS PLINIO S.

Si mihi senatus consultum miseris, quod haesitationem tibi fecit, aestimabo an debeas cognoscere de agnoscendis liberis et natalibus suis restituendis.

3 veris, Avant.

If you will send me the decree of the senate which causes your hesitation, I will consider whether it is your duty to decide the cases you mention.

si mihi senatus consultum miseris. There would of course be the original decree in the tabularium at Rome, but on so small a point, it was simpler for Pliny to send a copy than to have the archives searched for it.

natalibus suis restituendis. It seems not improbable that, the question of the restitutio natalium' was raised in Bithynia at this time in connection with

the rescript of Trajan concerning the OрETTоl, who were born ingenui, but having been brought up as slaves, required the restitutio natalium before they could regain their original 'ingenuitas.' From this point of view there is a temptation to adopt here the reading of Avantius.

natalibus suis restituendis. This, however, would be referring natales not to the original condition of men, generally, as the Digest explains it, but to the particular birth of the individuals in question.

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I

De Callidromo Laberii Maximi fugitivo

C. PLINIUS TRAIANO IMPERATORI

Appuleius, domine, miles, qui est in statione Nicomedensi, scripsit mihi quendam nomine Callidromum, cum detineretur a Maximo et Dionysio pistoribus, quibus operas suas locaverat, confugisse ad tuam statuam perductumque ad magistratus

§ 1. A soldier named Appuleius, sire, stationed at Nicomedeia has informed me that a certain Callidromus having escaped from two bakers to whom he had hired his services, took refuge before your statues, and gave the following account of himself to the magistrates. He was formerly a slave of Laberius Maximus, was taken prisoner in the Dacian war, and then sent as a present by Decebalus to Pacorus the Parthian king, in whose service he remained for several years. Ultimately he made his escape and arrived at Nicomedeia. § 2. As he repeated the same story to me I thought it best to send him to you. This, however, I delayed to do, while I searched for a gem engraved with the figure of Pacorus in his royal robes, of which he declares that he has been robbed. § 3 I should have liked to send you this with the man himself. The ingot from a Parthian mine which I have despatched he declares that he brought with him. It is sealed with my signet-ring, a chariot and four.

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§ I. in statione Nicomedensi. Nicomedeia was apparently the headquarters of the auxiliary troops which had been assigned to Pliny; cf. note on Ep. 21.

cum detineretur, on being forcibly detained.

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bonum faceret panem, eius duodecimam philosophiae dedisses, ipse bonus iampridem esses factus. Nunc illum qui

norunt, volunt emere millibus centum, te qui novit, nemo centussis.' The pistores had several departments of their trade. There were pist. siliginarii, Orell. 4263; pist. dulciarii, Mart. xiv 222; pist. lactarii. They usually worked by night; Mart. xii 57, 5, 'negant vitam Ludimagistri mane, nocte pistores, Aerariorum marculi die toto.' They were formed into corpora or collegia, Orell. 1810. Rome the 'collegia pistorum' were especially important in connection with the corn supply of the city, and Trajan who was jealous of collegia generally gave special privileges to these. Cf. Middleton's description of the tomb of Eurysaces outside the Porta Praenestina at Rome, P. 429.

At

quibus operas suas locaverat, Digest, 33, 2, 3, 'Hominis quoque liberi operae legari possunt, sicut locari et in stipulationem deduci.' The workman is the locatur operarum,' the employer the 'conductor operarum.' If the work was not performed as agreed upon, the conductor could resort to an 'actio conducti.' On the other hand, the remedy open to the locator was an actio locati. See Hunter's Roman Law, pp. 338-340. The comic poet Plautus is said by Varro to have hired his services to a baker; Aul. Gell. iii 3, cum pecunia omni, quam in operis artificum scenicorum pepererat, in mercationibus perdita, inops Romam rediiset, et ob quaerendum victum ad circumagendas molas, quae trusatiles appellantur, operam pistori locasset.'

The

confugisse ad tuam statuam. first appearance of any special sanctity being given to the statue of the emperor was the consecration of the temple of

indicasse servisse aliquando Laberio Maximo captumque a Susago in Moesia et a Decebalo muneri missum Pacoro, Par

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Divus Iulius by the triumviri; Dio Cass. 47, 19, ‘πρὸς δὲ τούτοις, ἀπεῖπον μὲν μηδεμίαν εἰκόνα αὐτοῦ, καθάπερ θεοῦ, τινος ὡς ἀληθῶς ὄντος, ἐν ταῖς τῶν συγγενῶν αὐτοῦ ἐκφοραῖς πέμπεσθαι ἀπηγόρευσαν δὲ μηδένα εἰς τὸ ἡρῷον αὐτοῦ καταφυ γόντα ἐπ' ἀδείᾳ, μήτε ἀνδρηλατεῖσθαι, μήτε συλᾶσθαι'; and from this time there seems to have been a certain right of asylum connected with the statues of the emperors, whether living or dead, though emperors like Tiberius put a certain check upon it.

Suet. Tib. 26, prohibuit etiam statuas ac imagines nisi permittente se poni, permisitque ea sola conditione ne inter simulacra deorum sed inter ornamenta aedium ponerentur.' So Trajan's moderation is contrasted with Domitian's conduct; Plin. Panegyr. 52, 'Itaque tuam statuam in vestibulo Iovis optimi maximi unam alteramve et hanc aeream cernimus. At paulo ante aditus omnes, omnes gradus totaque area hinc auro hinc argento relucebat seu potius polluebatur, cum incesti principis statuis permixta deorum simulacra sorderent.' We find the statue of Augustus an asylum after his death; Tac. Ann. iv 67, 'ultroque struebantur, qui monerent (Agrippinam) perfugere ad Germaniae exercitus, vel celeberrimo foro effigiem divi Augusti amplecti.' Also that of Iulius; Suet. Aug. 17, 'Antonium iuvenem, maiorem de duobus Fulvia genitis, simulacro divi Iulii, ad quod post multas et irritas preces confugerat, abreptum interemit'; also Suet. Tib. 50, 'novissime calumniatus modo ad statuam Augusti, modo ad exercitus confugere velle, Pandatariam relegavit.' Cf. Suet. Tib. 58, where after a man was condemned of maiestas for removing the head from a statue of Augustus to put on another, 'damnato reo, paullatim hoc genus calumniae eo processit ut haec quoque capitalia essent, circa Augusti simulacrum servum excidisse, vestimenta mutasse, nummo vel anulo effigiem impressam latrinae . intulisse.' Tac. Ann. i 73, 'Falanio obiciebat accusator quod venditis hortis statuam Augusti simul mancipasset.' Tac. Ann. iii 36, 'Incedebat enim deterrimo cuique licentia, impune probra et invidiam in bonos excitandi arrepta imagine Caesaris . . igitur C. Caestius senator disseruit principes quidem instar deorum esse: sed neque a diis nisi iustas supplicum preces audiri, neque quem

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quam in Capitolium (cf. Plin. Panegyr. 1. c.) aliave Urbis templa perfugere, ut eo subsidio ad flagitia utatur.' By the time of Antoninus Pius the right was formally acknowledged; Gaius, iii 53, 'Nam consultus a quibusdam praesidibus provinciarum de his servis qui ad fana deorum vel ad statuas principum confugiunt, praecepit ut si intolerabilis videatur dominorum saevitia, cogantur servos suos vendere,' etc. See also Digest, 48, 19, 28, 7, 'ad statuas confugere vel imagines principum in iniuriam alterius prohibitum est . . nisi quis ex vinculis vel custodia detentus a potentioribus ad huiusmodi praesidium confugerit: his enim venia tribuenda est.' See Momms. Staatsrecht, vol ii p. 736.

Laberio Maximo. Manius Laberius Maximus was consul II. ordinarius in 103 A.D., Henz. 5442. He was one of the generals in the Dacian war; Dio Cass. 58, 9, “ ἐπειδὴ ὁ Μάξιμος ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ χρόνῳ τὴν τε ἀδελφὴν αὐτοῦ (i.e. Decebalus) καὶ χώριον τι ἰσχυρὸν εἶχεν. The present passage seems to show that he was legate of Moesia (probably Moesia superior). He was afterwards banished by Trajan, and recalled by Hadrian; Spart. Vit. Hadr. 5. See Momms. index.

a Susago, a Dacian general, or some king allied to Decebalus.

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a Decebalo muneri missum Pacoro. On the Dacian war, see life of Trajan, pp. 7-9. For Decebalus cf. Ep. viii 4, 2, pulsum regia, pulsum etiam vita regem nihil desperantem.' This passage is important since it proves that Decebalus was in communication with the Parthian king, whom in all probability he attempted to draw into the war against Trajan. If he had succeeded, serious embarrassment might have been caused to the emperor, who could not well have spared any of his western legions at that time for an oriental campaign.

pluribusque annis in ministerio eius fuisse. I have not seen it pointed out before, but these words are a clear proof that the old date assigned to Pliny's mission to Bithynia 103-105 is wrong. If Callidromus, as is probable, was taken prisoner in the first war, he was no doubt sent to Pacorus in the interval between the first and second wars, i.e. between 102 and 104 A. D., and as he stayed several years in Parthia, it necessarily makes the date of the letter at any rate later than 105.

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