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tuum in provincia celebrare.

Nunc rei publicae Prusensium 3 inpendia reditus debitores excutio; quod ex ipso tractatu magis

2 tractatu B,

natalem tuum celebrare. From the time of Iulius Caesar the birthday of the princeps was observed as a public holiday. Dio Cass. 44, 4, Tá TE YEνÉOλiα αὐτοῦ δημοσία θύειν ἐψηφίσαντο. So Suet. Aug. 57, 'Equites Romani natalem eius sponte atque consensu biduo semper celebrarunt.' Dio Cass. 51, 19, “ ἔν τε τοῖς γενεθλίοις αὐτοῦ (i.e. Augustus)

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ἱερομηνίαν εἶναι ἐψηφίσαντο). So the German legions (Dio Cass. 56, 25), “ οὐ πάνυ πόῤῥω τοῦ Ρήνου προῆλθον, ἀλλ ̓ αὐτοῦ που μέχρι τοῦ μετοπώρου μείναντες Kai Tа TOû AVYOÚσтOV Yevélλia éоρтáσαvтes, καί τινα ἱπποδρομίαν ἐν αὐτοῖς διὰ τῶν ἑκατοντάρχων ποιήσαντες ἐπανῆλθον.. On the birth of young Caius Caesar (Dio Cass. 54, 8) ' βουθυσία τις τοῖς γενεθλίοις αὐτοῦ ἀίδιος ἐδόθη. Tiberius took it as a sign that Sejanus was aiming at the first place (Suet. Tib. 65) 'quum iam et natalem eius publice celebrari... videret.' See also Dio Cass. 60, 12, 'κal тà Yevέθλια τὰ τῆς Μεσσαλίνης δημοσία ἐτίμων. The birthdays of the emperors were also observed after their death, Dio Cass. 59, 24, “ καὶ ἐψηφίσθη ἄλλα τε καὶ ἵνα τοῖς τοῦ Τιβηρίου καὶ τοῖς τῆς Δρουσίλλης γενεθλίοις τὰ αὐτὰ ἅπερ καὶ τοῖς τοῦ ̓Αὐγούστου yiyvntal.' So Domitian forbade the celebration of Titus's birthday, Dio Cass. 67, 2, καὶ τὴν ἱπποδρομίαν τὴν τῶν γενεθλίων αὐτοῦ κατέλυσε.

reipublicae Prusensium. Prusa, the birthplace of Dio Chrysostom, was situated at the foot of the Olympus range. According to Pliny, Nat. Hist. v 32, it was founded by Hannibal. It, however, more probably owed its origin to Prusias himself. Ít formed one of the dioknoes into which Pompeius divided Bithynia, and was also a conventus or administrative district of the province; Dio Chr. ii p. 199 R, 'κal μὴν τὸ νῦν συμβεβηκὸς περὶ τὴν ἡμετέραν πόλιν τὸ μὲν ἀληθὲς ἅπτεται πολλῶν καὶ κνίζει τοὺς ἄλλους πάντας, ὅτι δὴ τὰς δίκας, ὑμεῖς ἀποδέχεσθε καὶ παρ' ὑμῖν αὐτοὺς ἀνάγκη κρίνεσθαι.” It did not, however, attain to the rank of a libera civitas, for Dio says, ii p. 199, таûта yàp (i.e. the tribunals of the conventus) ὑμᾶς πλέον ὀνήσει τῆς ἐλευθερίας αὐτῆς, ἐὰν ἄρα καὶ τούτου τύχητέ ποτε, and it was necessary to obtain leave from the proconsul to hold the public assembly Dio Chr. Or. 48,

tractu Ald.

ii, p. 236 R, ' πρῶτον μὲν ὦ ἄνδρες τῷ κρατίστῳ Οὐαρίνῳ δεῖ χάριν ἡμᾶς εἰδέναι ὅτι βουλομένοις ἡμῖν ἐκκλησιάσαι πάλιν ἐφῆκεν.

inpendia reditus debitores excutio. From the time of Trajan the independence of the municipal towns, whether liberae or not, both in Italy and the provinces, was increasingly interfered with by the central authority, and this particularly in respect of their finances, which in too many cases fell into disorder. To revise and arrange these, curatores rei publicae were sent out to particular towns Henz. 6484, Wilmann, 2167 and 2479, or sometimes to a group of towns, Henz. 5126. Occasionally, however, a whole province was so embarrassed that the financial oversight of all its communities was put into the hands of a nominee of the emperor. Thus, under Trajan, Sex. Quintilius Maximus (Plin. Ep. viii 24) was 'missus in provinciam Achaiam ad ordinandum statum liberarum civitatum': so Henz. 6483, 'legatus divi Hadriani ad rationes civitatum Syriae putandas,' Henz. 6506, 'curator civitatum universarum provinciae Siciliae,' Henz. 6484, 'logista Syriae.' Sometimes the financial duties of the curator or logista (Cod. Iust. I, 54, 3) were united to a more general authority. Thus, C. I. Gr. 4033, Tiberius Iulius Severus was ‘πρὸς πέντε ράβδους πεμφθεὶς εἰς Βιθυνίαν διορθωτὴς καὶ λογιστὴς ὑπὸ θεοῦ ̓Αδριανού. Pliny (for whose formal title see inscr. p. 16) probably united the offices of λογιστής and Siopowτns. See De la Berge, p. 119; Mommsen, Staatsrecht., ii p. 1037; Marquadt Staatsverw. i p. 162. We find him regulating or considering the finances of Sinope (Ep. 90), Nicomedeia (Ep. 37) Nicaea and Claudiopolis (Ep. 39), Byzantium (Ep. 43), Apamaea (Ep. 47), Amisus (Ep. 92).

tractatu, an emendation of Ritterhusius for the Aldine reading 'tractu.' It is now confirmed by the Bodleian MS., which has tractatu in the scribe's hand in the margin. For a similar doubt cf. Ep. 96 § 4.

multae enim pecuniae... a privatis detinentur. Money so detained either by magistrates or private individuals was called residuae pecuniae.' A Lex Iulia of Augustus brought this offence under the head of peculatus, Dig. 48, 13, 2, 'lege

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ac magis necessarium intellego. Multae enim pecuniae variis ex causis a privatis detinentur: praeterea quaedam minime 4 legitimis sumptibus erogantur. Haec tibi, domine, in ipso

ingressu meo scripsi.

Iulia de residuis tenetur qui pecuniam delegatam in usum aliquem retinuit neque in eum consumpsit: qui pecuniam publicam in usus aliquos retinuerit nec erogaverit: apud quem pecunia publica resedit: qui in tabulis publicis minorem pecuniam scripserit, aliud ve quid simile commiserit.' The punishment was resti* one third tution of the money plus half of its amount. See Pauly, Real Encylop. vii p. 456. The investment of the money so called in placed Pliny in some embarrassment; see Ep. 53, 'pecuniae publicae, domine, providentia tua et ministerio nostro et iam exactae sunt et exiguntur; quae vereor ne otiosae iaceant.'

minime legitimis sumptibus. These would be all not included in what are called (Ep. 35) the 'erogationes necessariae.' Thus the Prusenses had been accustomed

to make grants of public money for oil for the baths, quam ipsi erogare in oleum soliti.' Trajan allows them by a special favour (indulgentia) to divert this to the 'instructio novi balinei,' but neither of these applications of money was strictly legitimate: nor again was the grant of 12,000 HS. by the Byzantines for sending a legatus every year to the emperor with a complimentary psephisma: nor that of 3000 HS. for sending a legatus to the governor of Moesia (Ep. 43). Extravagant expenditure of this kind left insufficient money for legitimate and necessary objects. erogantur, the technical word for grants of public money.

These words

in ipso ingressu meo. must not be too closely pressed, as Pliny had already had time to look into the finances of Prusa.

XVII B

C. PLINIUS TRAIANO IMPERATORI

Quinto decimo Kalendas Octobres, domine, provinciam intravi, quam in eo obsequio, in ea erga te fide quam de genere 5 humano mereris inveni. Dispice, domine, an necessarium

I entered my province, sire, on 17th September and found it well-affected and loyal. Would it not be well to send here a land surveyor? Considerable sums of money might probably be recovered from the contractors of public works if the measurements were accurately taken. I am already convinced of this from my inspection of the financial state of Prusa.

The Aldine edition joins this letter to the preceding one. The repetition of the date of entry into the province makes this almost impossible, while the frequent occurrence of 'domine' would increase the difficulty. After Pliny had despatched the former letter, the advisability of getting a 'mensor ' occurred to him. He thereupon wrote this short letter and sent it by a different tabellarius, and in case it might by any chance arrive before the other letter, he more briefly announced

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de genere humano. See on Ep. 1.

mensorem. The mensores or agrimensores under the empire formed an important college with considerable privileges and handsome pay. On the practical side they were concerned with all boundary questions, whether of public or private land. They had to mark out boundaries in the first instance, and were called upon either as judges or experts in all disputed cases. Theoretically their art was based on an abstruse or special application of mathematical geometry. Subordinate to but connected with the agrimensores there were bodies of specialists concerned (1) with machine construction, mensores machinarii' Orell. 1567 and 4107 (2) camp measurements, 'mensores castrorum' Ör. 3473, and (3) archi

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putes mittere huc mensorem. Videntur enim non mediocres pecuniae posse revocari a curatoribus operum, si mensurae Ita certe prospicio ex ratione Prusensium,

fideliter agantur. quam cum maxime tracto.

3 aguntur B. agantur, Ald.

3 quam cum maxime, B. quam cum Maximo, Ald.

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curatoribus operum. At Rome there were two I curatores aedium sacrarum et operum locorumque publicorum'; briefly 'cur. op. pub.' They performed a portion of the censors' duties; see Cic. de leg. agrar. iii 3, 7; had the charge of public buildings, oversight over temples and the custody of the sacred offerings and gifts, Wilmann, 1224, 1273, 1181, 1142. In municipal towns like Prusa, where offices were less subdivided, they would also have the duty of settling contracts for the construction of public buildings, in which, in the absence of trustworthy mensores, there was room for jobbery and dishonesty of all sorts. An example of the dishonesty often practised by these curatores is given by Suetonius Vitell. 5, 'curam operum publicorum administravit

dona atque ornamenta templorum surripuisse et commutasse quaedam ferebatur proque auro et argento stannum et aurichalcum supposuisse.'

agantur. Döring points out that the word is used specially of land-surveyors and architects; and cites Ov. Ars Am. iii 558, limes agendus erit,' and Tac. Germ. 29, 'limite acto." Cf. also Plin. h. n. xv, 3, 14, amurcae mensuram nemo agit.' The agrimensores were called 'agentes' Hyg. Lim. p. 179.

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ex ratione; in the sense of 'accounts.' This word is used either in the sing. (Cic. Verr. ii 1, 41, § 106) or in the plur. Cic. ad Fam. v 20, 2, and infra, Ep. 18.

quam cum maxime tracto. Another repetition of the former letter, which makes it impossible to consider the two as one, but it is quite consistent with the view taken above.

cum maxime: at this present moment. tracto, see above, tractatu.

The Aldine edition followed by all later editions till 1709, has 'cum Maximo' (see Ep. 27 and 28). Döring retains this, but it has little to recommend it, and most modern editions have followed the conjecture of Perizonius in the edition of Cortius, 6 cum maxime.' This is now confirmed by the Bodleian MS.

XVIII [XXVIIII]

TRAIANUS PLINIO S.

Cuperem sine querella corpusculi tui et tuorum pervenire 1 in Bithyniam potuisses ac simile tibi iter ab Epheso ei navigationi 2 ei navigationi, Cat. et nav., B. ut nav., Ald.

§ 1. I wish your journey from Ephesus had been as favourable as your previous voyage. § 2. I note the date of your arrival in Bithynia. The provincials will, I am sure, appreciate my care for them, and you must make it quite clear that you are sent to represent me. § 3. Be particularly careful in scrutinising the financial position of the towns: they evidently are

in confusion. As for surveyors, I have not enough for my own building operations here, but there are trustworthy experts in every province to be found with a little inquiry.

§ I. querella corpusculi tui. Cf. Sen. Qu. Nat., iii 1, 3, 'pulmonis ac viscerum querellas levare.' For the humorous use of the diminutive corpusculum' cf.

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2 fuisset, quam expertus usque illo eras. Quo autem die pervenisses in Bithyniam cognovi, Secunde carissime, litteris tuis. Provinciales, credo, prospectum sibi a me intellegent. Nam et tu dabis operam ut manifestum sit illis electum te esse, qui ad 3 eosdem mei loco mittereris. Rationes autem in primis tibi rerum publicarum excutiendae sunt: nam et esse eas vexatas satis constat. Mensores vix etiam iis operibus quae aut Romae aut in proximo fiunt sufficientes habeo: sed in omni provincia inveniuntur quibus credi possit, et ideo non deerunt tibi, modo velis diligenter excutere.

8 sufficientes, B.

Juv. x 173, 'mors sola fatetur Quantula sint hominum corpuscula.' See Prof. Mayor's list of the diminutives used in Juvenal ad loc.

simile iter ei navigationi. The true reading 'ei' conjectured by Catanaeus, I now restore as proved by the Bodleian MS., which has 'et navigationi.' Aldus, not understanding the et,' changed it against all grammar into 'ut.'

usque illo. Juvenal has usque adeo, iii 84, v 129, xv 82. Cicero has usque istinc, ad Att. i 14.

§ 2. pervenisses; pluperf. because previous to the date of Pliny's letter.

provinciales sometimes used in opposition to Italians as Plin. Ep. ix 23, 2, 'Italicus es an provincialis?' and Suet. Vesp. 9; often, however, as here for the inhabitants of a particular province: Cic. ad Quint. fr. i 1, 5.

electum te esse qui . . . mittereris, 'that you were chosen to receive a special mission to represent me.' See the inscr. p. 16. The words are not really redundant for mei loco missum esse.' The 'electum' implies a special appointment. Cf. Ep. 117, sed ego ideo prudentiam tuam elegi.'

§ 3. rationes . in primis. . . excutiendae. For Pliny's execution of this injunction see note on Ep. 17a 3.

iis operibus quae aut Romae aut in proximo fiunt. These would be (1)

sufficienter, Ald.

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the repair and improvement of the roads in Italy, Dio Cass., 68, 15, kaÌ KATÀ TOÙS αὐτοὺς χρόνους τά τε ἕλη τὰ Ποντῖνα ὡδοποίησε λίθῳ καὶ τὰς ὁδοὺς παροικοδομήμασι καὶ γεφύραις μεγαλοπρεπεστάταις ežeπoinσev.' Eckhel Doc. Num. vi p. 421; and especially the construction of a new road from Beneventum to Brundisiumthe via Traiana-in 109 A.D., Henz. 5169, 'Imp. Cæsar divi Nervae f. Nerva Traianus Aug. Germ. Dac. Pont. Max. Tr. pot. xiii, Imp. vi, Cos. v. P. P. viam et pontes Benevento Brundisium pecunia sua.' (2) The new hexagonal basin above the Claudian harbour at Ostia, the 'portus Traiani,' Cohen, ii 365-6. Juv. Sat. xii 75 ff. (3) The new harbour at Centum Cellae (Civita Vecchia) Plin. Ep. vi 31. This was begun in 106 A.D. with Trajan's villa close by 'villa pulcherrima cingitur viridissimis agris, imminet litori.' (4) The harbour of Ancona, which was probably in the course of construction at this time, as the inscription on the arch dates from 115; Orell. 792. (5) The construction of the Aqua Traiana (now acqua Paola) Dierauer zur Geschi. Trajans, p. 132. (6) the Thermae Traianae on the Esquiline; and (7) the splendid Forum of Trajan with its Basilica, libraries, triumphal arch and column. This was completed in the 6th consulship i.e. 112-113; Cohen ii 95.

XVIIII [XXX]

De custodiis

C. PLINIUS TRAIANO IMPERATORI

Rogo, domine, consilio me regas haesitantem utrum per I publicos civitatum servos, quod usque adhuc factum, an per milites adservare custodias debeam. Vereor enim ne et per servos publicos parum fideliter custodiantur et non exiguum militum numerum haec cura distringat. Interim publicis servis 2 2; Mommsen, Staatsrecht, i 306 ff.; Pauly,' Real Encyclop. vi p. 1102.

§ 1. I should be glad of your advice, sire, as to whether the prisoners should be guarded by public slaves as hitherto, or by soldiers. I distrust the fidelity of the slaves, and yet I hesitate to employ as many soldiers as would be required. § 2. At present I use some of both, but I fear that this arrangement may enable each to throw any blame incurred on the others.

§ I. publicos civitatum servos. The publici servi, usually briefly 'publici,' were distinguished from ordinary slaves in several points-(1) they had dwellings assigned on public ground; lex Iul. Municip. 82, 'quae loca serveis publiceis ab cens(oribus) habitandei utendei caussa adtributa sunt,' etc.; (2) they received an annual sum of money for food, cibaria, see Ep. 31, 2, 'ut publici servi, annua accipiunt'; (3) they wore a special dress, the limus; and hence are often spoken of as limo cincti, Orell. 3219; (4) they were allowed to dispose of half their property by will, Ulpian, 20, 16. They might be acquired by communities through capture in war, or sale, or bequests by individuals. They were employed to forward despatches, Plut. Galb. 8; as attendants in the tabularium, Liv. xliii 16; as executioners, Cic. Phil. viii 8; Val. Max. ii 10, 6; Vell. Paterc. i 19; as temple servants, Tac. Hist. i 43; Orell. 2470, 'publicus ab sacrario divi Augusti'; as public auctioneers, Plin. Ep. vii 18, 'agrum ex meis publico actori mancipavi,' Tac. Ann. ii 30; in connection with the aqueducts under the 'curatores aquarum,' Frontinus, de Aquaed. 100; as library attendants, 'publici a bybliotheca Latina porticus Octaviae,' Orell. 2853, Henz. 6270; the inferior slaves were assigned 'ad balineum, ad purgationes cloacarum, munitiones viarum et vicorum,' Ep. 32,

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an per milites. The point of Pliny's question was not whether it was legal to employ soldiers, on which Gierig cites Tac. Ann. iii 22, 'cum militari custodia haberentur,' and Hist. iv II; but whether in a province like Bithynia soldiers could be spared for this purpose; see on Ep. 21.

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custodias, the prisoners. For this use of the abstract for the concrete Döring cites Suet. Nero, 31, 'quod ubique esset custodiae'; Tib. 61, 'in recognoscendis custodiis'; Calig. 27, Dom. 14, 'solus plerasque custodias audiebat'; Sen. Ep. v 7, eadem catena et custodiam et militem copulat.' Cf. operae = workmen; inquisitio = inquisitores, Ep. 30; amicitia friends, Tac. Ann. ii 27, 2; consilia advisers, Tac. Ann. iv 40, 2; matrimonia wives, Tac. Ann. ii 13, 3.

non exiguum militum numerum. Bithynia as a senatorial province had no legions stationed in it. Pliny, however, had several auxiliary cohorts under his command; see Ep. 21; one of which was a 'cohors sexta equestris'; Ep. 106. Nicomedeia was the chief 'statio,' Ep. 74. Trajan's instructions were that soldiers should be as little as possible away from their headquarters. Ep. 22; 'curandum ne milites a signis absint'; see Ep. 20.

distringat. Cf. i 10, 9, 'distringor officio'; v 5, 3, 'quamvis agendis causis distringeretur.

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§ 2. dum. For this semi-causal use of dum see Tac. Ann. ii 84, Romanis haud perinde celebris, dum vetera extollimus recentium incuriosi.'

culpam regerere. Cf. convicia regerere,' Hor. Sat. i 7, 29; 'invidiam regerere,' Tac. Hist. iii 78.

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