XI.-FRENCH LITERATURE.

Social Questions.-Instruction and Morality of the Working Classes.

1. Le Paupérisme and les Associations ouvrières en Europe suivis d' un Plan. 1. De Société d'économie do consommation; 2. De Société de pret mutuel; 3. De Société de production: des Status de la Banque d'avances de Delitzsch; et de la loi francaise de 1867 sur les Sociétés. Par CH. D' ASSAILLY, ancien Ministre Plenipotentiaire. 2me Edition. Paris Guillaumin. 1869.

2. De l'Etat moral et intellectuel des populations ouvrières et de son influence sur le taux des Salaires. Par PAUL LEROY-BEAULIEU. Ouvrage courouné par l'académie des sciences morales et politiques. Paris Guillaumin. 1868.

3. De l' Influence de l' Education sur la Moralité et le Bieu-etre des classes laborieuses. Par A. P. DESEILLEIGNY, Membre du Conseil Général de Saone and Loire. Ouvrage agant reçu de l'Académié des sciences morales et politiques la recompense de 3000 francs, dans le concours du prix Beaujour. Paris: Hachette. 1868.

4. Conférences sur les Sociétés Co-opératives de Production, de Consommation, et de Crédit. Par J. DUVAL, Professeur d' Economie Politique. Paris: Hachette. 1867.

Times and manners have altered since the days when St Louis regulated the functions of each handicraft, in these words, "Every one shall have his own handicraft, and nothing but his handicraft, in order that there be no cheatery." In this way the manufactures were good, and labour was protected from the exactions of the strong. But everything is liable to abuse, and the corporations did not escape the general law. Every trade came to be subjected to oppressive regulations, the nature and quality of the material, the width and length of the web, the number of threads in the woof, the manner of dyeing, and even the assortment of the colours. Each handicraft was penned up,-divided like the provinces in a kingdom. Thus the hatters had their five provinces (four handicrafts); one handicraft had to do with felt hats only, another with cotton hats, &c. Woe to the tailor who mended old clothes, or to the broker who sold new ones. Woe to the woman who embroidered," this power belonged to the bearded gentry." Every new invention had to receive the approbation of the jurande or jury. Quinquet, the inventor of the lamp which bears his name, was fined for having improved it without informing the competent tribunal.

The middle ages lasted long in France: these abuses were still in existence rather more than half a century ago. But how changed is the condition of the tradespeople now! Crêches,* infant and other

*Such is the name given to establishments where poor women, going to their day's work, may deposit their infants till evening. They are attended to by sisters of mercy. The name Crêches, or mangers, is an allusion to the

infancy of the Saviour.

Instruction and Morality of the Working Classes. 401

schools, gratuitous medical attendance for the indigent, &c., have been provided, but the best thing that has been done is the creation of savings banks and mutual aid societies, "which are," says M. d' Assailly," the true savings banks, with fraternity besides." Friendly societies had been established in England several years before there were any in France. In fact, M. de Gerando wrote, in 1836, in his work upon Public Beneficence, "Paris does not even possess five mutual aid societies which have been above forty years in existence." In 1852, France possessed 2,433 mutual aid societies, comprising 271,000 members.

In every other part of Europe, these societies have been allowed to retain their purely philanthropic character. But, unfortunately, in France the Government has tried to transform them into an administrative machine. In order to get control over them, in 1852 it took them under its protection, and made them a grant of 10,000,000 frs. But, as a condition of its approval, it took at the same time the right of choosing their presidents from them. "The identification of the funds of the mutual aid societies," says our author, "with the finances of the State, is not without its inconveniences, in a country so often exposed to political crises. . . . According to the last report (1st January 1869), there were only 1,702 societies not approved by the Government, against 4,127 approved. Upon the 862,000 members, 112,000 were honorary members. The general property was 46,310,000 frs. (£1,852,400).

For some years past political economy has been exercising itself in three new fields, and has created producing societies (Sociétés de Production), mutual loan societies (Sociétés de pret Mutuel), and societies for economising upon consumption (Sociétés d' Economie de Consommation). The delegates from the working men at the Exhibition of 1867, specified in their report the advantages they hope to gain from these three sorts of aid: "By the producing societies, we hope to reap the fruits of our labour ourselves; by the economical societies, we shall secure more comforts for our families, at a lower rate; by the mutual loan societies, we shall escape from usurers."

Notwithstanding these generous aspirations, France is still far behind Great Britain, particularly in regard to the application of the ideas. In spite of the noble example given by M. de Madre in Paris the creation of the cite's ouvrieres at Mulhausen by Jean Dolfus, the personal encouragement of the Emperor, and the improved sanitary condition of the dwellings of the working classes at Lille, Rouen, Rheims, St Quentin, France is yet far from attaining the 2000 buying and building societies, with their 200,000 members, of which England can boast. Political agitation is the great culprit in France. The workmen have never yet been able to distinguish questions belonging to the workshop from those belonging to the Forum, and the jealousy of the authorities has only augmented the confusion. In certain cases, even agricultural boards have not found grace in the eyes of the prefects, and the central societies of certain departments have been for thirty years obliged to endure an official president. The parties did not understand the advantages of the associations any better than the State did; the conservatives were

not more favourable to the workmen than the Government. After the insurrection of 1849, as well as after the coup d'état in 1852, all the working men's associations in Paris and Lyons disappeared under the anathema of the authorities. In 1867, a law was proposed tending to diminish the obstacles in the way of these societies. The inquest occupied ten sittings.

We shall just throw a hurried glance over the history of these societies. At Lyons, in 1848, the working men's families clubbed together to buy alimentary provisions at wholesale prices; associations were then formed. All these were suppressed, and forced to liquidate their affairs, in 1851 and 1852, by military authority.*

Elsewhere the working classes were scarcely more fortunate. In the department of Isere, at Beauregard, they could not succeed in establishing a farm and a manufacture, but the company was able to indemnify itself by founding a Société de Consommation at Vienne. In the first case, experience had been in default. Our author therefore ardently solicits the co-operation of men accustomed to business, who have leisure and means, were it only as managers and cashiers.

But to return to the Sociétés de Consommation. In 1855, the Orleans Railway Company established alimentary stores at Orleans, Tours, and Bordeaux, and, in 1865, at Périgueux, for the use of their workmen and their families. The economy over the ordinary retail prices is from 14 to 20 per cent. upon an average; in some places, and for some articles, it may rise as high as from 40 to 50 per cent.* Another important creation of this company is an eating-house at Ivry-Paris for its workmen. A thousand of its employés go there every day to get their three meals. They may take food home with them for their families. Vegetable and meat soup, veal or mutton done up with fresh or dried vegetables, fish, pork, cheese, eggs, &c., are given out at each meal. All these articles, according to the season, can be distributed in portions not exceeding 1d. each. The wine, brought direct from the wine districts, is given at 12 c. (11d.) the quarter of a litre. A meal, composed of bread, wine, soup, meat, vegetables, is given at the price of 47 c. (43d.)" (Rapport de la compagnie du chemin de fer d'Orleans 1866). Besides this, the Company possesses a clothing-store, created in 1856. The clothing is in great part made by the workmen's wives and daughters. The sale of

*The Travailleurs unis had procured a tun of oil in 1848. Two years later, this society was composed of 2,500 members. They paid ld. per week, and with this modest sum they had been able to form seven groceries, three bakehouses, two butchers' shops, wine and coal stores, and to bring up the sum of their annual operations to a million frs.=£40,000. It was upon this association that Marshal Castellane laid his ban in 1851.-See Le mouvement co-opératif à Lyon. Par E. Flotard. 1869.

+M. Cochin, the administrator of the Orleans Railway, gave the following facts at the inquest which was held in 1865 :-As regards fuel, the economy over the ordinary retail prices is,-45 per cent. upon wood, 64 per cent. upon charcoal, 43 per cent. upon coal, 75 per cent. upon bundles of small sticks; as regards aliments,-100 per cent. upon salt herrings, 127 per cent. upon smoked hams, 56 per cent. upon potatoes, 66 per cent. upon salt meat, 115 per cent. upon salt, 62 per cent. upon vinegar, 33 per cent. upon wine. It was necessary to have special bottles made to contain exactly a litre.

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the articles, shoes, bedding, &c., is at 30 per cent. below the usual rate. The Company employs 14,000 workmen, and enables each of them to economise not less than 100 frs. (£4) annually upon their food and clothing. With regard to Paris, things are rather on a different footing. "In Paris," says M. d' Assailly, "industry, on a small scale, predominates. The census of 1861 shews that, out of 101,171 manufacturers, only 7,492 employed above ten workmen ; 30,580 employed each from two to ten workmen; the immense majority, 62,199, worked alone, or with a single workman. In regard to this majority, the distance that separates the workman from his master is ill-defined and easily overstepped. An active, intelligent workman will soon get an apprentice in turn. The Société de Production, difficult to realise elsewhere, would almost seem to constitute itself naturally here. Yet, in 1868, along with 100 mutual loan societies, and 12 Sociétés de Consommation, there were only 55 Sociétés de Production in Paris, all applied to industry in detail, without reckoning a single manufacture.

In the departments, the proportion of Sociétés de Production is far from reaching so high a figure. Paris excepted, the figure is only 30 for the whole of France. Lyons, which possesses 27 Sociétés de Consommation, and 5 Mutual Loan Societies, has only 5 Sociétés de Production. "Statisticians would require to specify the precise meaning of this last word, which is often employed in a vague manner, and to cease confounding store depôts with bazaars hired for the sale of objects made by isolated workmen, whose relations are confined to the juxta-position of their products."-P. 93.

In France the working-men are particularly partial to the Société de Production. They see that it is a means of elevating their position (for they will have their share of authority) and of increasing their comfort (for they will have a share of the profits of the masters). But there are also many obstacles as regards the working-man: "A less direct private interest, and consequently less energy in the work, contestations among the partners, want of discipline, difficulties in the management, relating to the opportuneness of the extension or restriction of the manufactures and the sale of the products; difficulties not less serious as to the formation of capital, the stock of tools and the installation of workshops. The co-operative workshop, say the workmen, renders the salaries (guaranteed under the rules of the workshop) uncertain. The contractor alone has sufficient resources to make head against the sudden falls in prices, and to continue momentarily working at a loss. His position, his relations, give him that knowledge of the home and foreign markets which is indispensable. The success of the collective workshop requires choice men; it supposes besides, that these men will always be willing to subject themselves to the unity of direction. They are thus forced to end in having a sort of elective master, of all masters the most difficult to institute, to support, and to maintain."

* See the Slaters' Report-Delegation of working-men to the Exhibition of

The partisans of the Sociétés de Productions answer that instruction will form the workmen as soon as it is more spread; that the prospect of becoming master will stimulate their zeal; and that capital will be guaranteed by the mutual loan banks. It may be so, but as industry on a large scale permits the manufacturers to buy wholesale, the competition will always be terrible for the working-men. This explains why the number of associations in Germany was only forty-nine in 1867. In Paris the society of labouring masons has succeeded, but the speciality of the trade perhaps explains its success; the mason transports his building yard everywhere and installs his workshop nowhere. "It is a restricted oligarchy which takes numerous auxiliaries into its pay, but gives them no part either in the direction or in the profits" (p. 92).

Whatever be the case in regard to these barriers to associations, our author thinks that more terrible ones are coming down. Socialism, he says, is losing its prestige over the masses every day. They no longer look upon the state as a terrestrial providence, but walk rather in the steps of the Rochdale pioneers.*

"We aspire after greater comfort," say they, "not merely in order to procure material satisfaction for ourselves and our families, but principally in order to secure the means of completing our instruction.

. . Our statutes ought to repress whatever tends to throw discredit on the association." + This noble aim is generally felt: "Our Lyonese societies," says M. Flotard, in the inquest of 1866 already quoted, "not only aim at lowering the price of the necessaries of life and facilitating the conditions of loans by united and vigorous action, but they pursue an intellectual and moral aim."

M. d'Assailly mentions, a trait which it gives us pleasure to repeat. Professor Laboulaye lately received a deputation of working-men at his house: "Sir," said they. . . . "we have bought a little library out of our savings; we wish to enlarge it, and to have your advice so as to choose our books well." They then shewed him a list of their books; there were several among them belonging to the eighteenth century, of doubtful morality. "These books," said they, "we bought in our younger days, but we have laid them aside, for we should blush to put them into the hands of our sons; help us to give them and ourselves moral instruction." A few days later, the wives of these workmen came to ask the professor to choose some religious books for them.

In order to encourage these excellent dispositions, an establishment was opened some time ago on the Boulevard du Mont Parnasse in Paris. It contains a library, a reading-room, an art museum, a billiard and music-room, and a refectory. Twice a week, scien

*Gladly would we subscribe the foregoing opinion, but, in face of the progress of the International Society, the workmen's league against capital, and the project of a vast Representation of the working-classes such as is being organised in Belgium, a representation which is to ignore that of the nation assembled in parliament, we much fear that the socialists, though they have repudiated the utopian projects of St Simon, Fourier, Cabet, &c., are only the more ardent in their efforts to proselytise, and are continuing to gain ground. + Sociétés co-opératives by Jules Duval.