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2ly. They saw, that though the people generally, bore all these difficulties very cherfully, and with a resolute courage, being in the best, and strength of their years, yet old age began to steale on many of them, (and their great and continuall labours, with other crosses, and sorrows, hastened it before the time) so as it was not only probably thought, but apparently seen, that within a few years more, they would be in danger to scatter (by necessities pressing them) or sinke under their burdens, or both. And therfore according to the devine proverb, that a wise man seeth the plague when it cometh, and hideth him selfe, Pro. 22. 3. so they like skillfull and beaten souldiers were fearfull, either to be intrapped or surrounded by their enimies, so as they should neither be able to fight nor flie. And therfor thought it better to dislodge betimes to some place of better advantage and less danger, if any shuch could be found. [16]

3ly. Thirdly; As necessitie was a taskmaster over them, so they were forced to be shuch, not only to their servants (but in a sorte) to their dearest chilldren; the which as it did not a litle wound the tender harts of many a loving father, and mother; so it produced likwise sundrie sad and sorowfull effects. For many of their children, that were of best dispositions, and gracious Inclinations; (haveing lernde to bear the yoake in their youth) and willing to bear parte of their parents burden, were (often times) so oppressed with their hevie labours, that though their minds were free and willing, yet their bodies bowed under the weight of the same, and became

Lord's-day, as a Sabbath, or any other thing amiss amongst them." New Englands Memoriall, *3.

"Here is little respect had to sanctify the sabbath: the young children girls walked all the Sabbath in the afternoon with cups or tins in their hands; they were about five or six years of age; others elder, about ten, and thirteen, and fourteen years of age, guided these little ones, and sung, screaming, and squeaking, and straining their voices. Such as they met gave them money, which they put into the cups, which was intended to buy a wassail-cup, a carouse: this they continued all Monday." Sir William Brereton, Travels, 6.

decreped in their early youth; the vigor of nature being consumed in the very budd as it were. But that which was more lamentable, and of all sorowes most heavie to be borne, was that many of their children, by these occasions, and the great licentiousnes of youth in that countrie, and the manifold temptations of the place, were drawne away by evill examples into extravagante and dangerous courses, getting the raines off their neks, and departing from their parents. Some became souldiers, others tooke upon them farr viages by sea; and other some worse courses, tending to dissolutnes, and the danger of their soules, to the great greefe of their parents and dishonour of God. So that they saw their posteritie would be in danger to degenerate and be corrupted.

Lastly, (and which was not least) a great hope, and inward zeall they had of laying some good foundation, (or at least to make some way therunto) for the propagating, and advancing the gospell of the kingdom of Christ in those remote parts of the world; yea, though they should be but even as stepping-stones, unto others for the performing of so great a work.1

1 In their address to Charles the Second, dated June 5, 1661, the General Court of New Plymouth asked for his protection and "the confirmation of our Religiouse and Civil liberties and priviledges conferred by pattent from your Royall Grandfather (whoe well knew the ends your servants Aymd at in our transplantation) and since farther inlarged by your most Illustrious Father, even to us the first colony of your English subjects in New England, who did hither transport ourselves to serve our God with a pure conscience according to his will revealed, not a three daies journey as Moses but nere three thousand miles into a vast howling wilderness inhabited onely by Barbarians, yet part of your Majesties dominions. This we rather chose, then to live under a forreign state where yet we had libertie of conscience with all civill respects. But such was our duety love and loyaltie to our naturall Lord, desire to enlarge his dominions and enjoy his protection that we willingly overlooked all difficulties and discouragements, came hither, took possession in our persons for our Sovereign. In attempting whereof by reason of many hardships attending such a designe, we lost many of our dearest relations, the living scarcely able to bury their dead, yet then not without hopes that God might make us stepping stones for others more fit for such a worke." Gay Transcripts (Ms.) from the P. R. O. America and the West Indies, 16611668, 102.

These, and some other like reasons, moved them to undertake this resolution of their removall; the which they afterward prosecuted with so great difficulties, as by the sequell will appeare.1

The place they had thoughts on, was some of those vast, and unpeopled countries of America, which are frutfull, and fitt for habitation; being devoyd of all civill inhabitants; wher ther are only salvage, and brutish men, which range up and downe, litle otherwise then the wild beasts of the same. This proposition being made publike, and coming to the scaning of all; it raised many variable opinions amongst men, and caused many fears, and doubts amongst them selves. Some from their reasons, and hopes conceived, laboured to stirr up and incourage the rest to undertake, and prosecute the same; others againe out of their fears, objected against it, and sought to diverte from it; aledging many things, and those neither unreasonable, nor unprobable. As that it was a great designe, and subjecte to many unconceivable perills, and dangers; as, besides the casu[a]lties of the seas (which none can be freed from) the length of the vioage was shuch, as the weake bodys of women, and other persons worne out with age, and trav[a]ille (as many of them were) could never be able to endure. And yet if they should, the miseries of the land, which they should [17] be exposed unto, would be to hard to be borne; and lickly, some, or all of them togeither, to consume, and utterly to ruinate them. For ther they

1 "Fourthly, that their Posterity would in a few generations become Dutch, and so lose their interest in the English Nation, they being desirous rather to enlarge His Majesty's Dominions, and to live under their Naturall Prince." Morton, New Englands Memoriall, *3. Winslow also laid stress upon this point, wishing to discover some place where "wee might exemplarily shew our tender Country-men by our example (no lesse burthened then our selves) where they might live, and comfortably subsist and enjoy the like liberties with us, being freed from Anti-christian bondage, keep their names and Nation, and not onely bee a meanes to enlarge the Dominions of our State, but the Church of Christ also, if the Lord have a people amongst the Natives whither hee should bring us &c." Winslow, Hypocrisie Unmasked, *89.

2 Rosier, True Relation (1605), was surprised to meet with the "kind civility we found in a people, where we little expected any sparke of humanity."

should be liable to famine, and nakednes, and the wante in a maner of all things. The chang of aire, diate, and drinking of water, would infecte their bodies with sore sickneses, and greevous diseases. And also those which should escape or overcome these difficulties, should yett be in continuall danger of the salvage people; who are cruell, barbarous, and most trecherous, being most furious in their rage, and merciles wher they overcome; not being contente only to kill, and take away life, but delight to tormente men in the most bloodie manner that may be; fleaing some alive with the shells of fishes, cutting of the members, and joynts of others by peesmeale; and broiling on the coles, eate the collops of their flesh in their sight whilst they live, with other cruelties horrible to be related.1 And surely it could not be thought but the very hearing of these things, could not but move the very bowels of men to grate within them, and make the weake to quake, and tremble. It was furder objected, that it would require greater summes of money to furnish shuch a voiage (and to fitt them with neccessaries) then their consumed estates would amounte too; and yett they must as well looke to be

1 The exact source of this description of Indian cruelties has not been traced, and may have been drawn up after the coming to New England. It is not unlike what appears in Woods' New England Prospect, *49, but may have come from some Dutch reports made while the Pilgrims were in Holland, or from Spanish narratives of what had passed in Spanish America. Of collections of voyages that would be likely to come to the knowledge of the English a list might be made. Eden's Decades of the newe Worlde or West India, appeared in 1555, and he followed it in 1577 with his History of Trauayle in the West and East Indies. Thomas Nicholas, in 1578, issued a translation of Gomara's Pleasant Historie of the Conquest of the Weast India, by Cortes, and two years later Cartier's voyages to New France reached the English reader in a translation by John Florio from the Italian of Ramusio. Richard Hakluyt printed his Divers Voyages touching the Discouerie of America in 1582, and the Principall Navigations, Voiages and Discoveries of the English Nation, in 1589, and an enlarged edition in 15981600. Sir Walter Ralegh's Discoverie of Guiana appeared in 1596, and Linschoten's Discours of Voyages into ye Easte & West Indies in 1598. De Bry and Hulsius may also have been among the possibilities, as well as the single volumes of Acosta and Rosier. The great interest in voyage and discovery is proved by the passage of these accounts from one language to another - Latin, French, German, and English — in editions that must have received sufficient support to warrant the printing.

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and how hard a thing it was for them to live in that strange place,

1 This cut is taken from the Historical Magazine, III. 332, and was based upon a plan of the city, dated 1670, which gave the buildings as they were in the Pilgrims' time. The full plan is reproduced in this volume, and St. Peter's Church may easily be identified by its number, 103. The neighborhood of the Robinson house was bounded by Heerensteegh (101), the church and belfry (103) and Klocksteegh (107). The second cut is taken from Dexter, The England and Holland of the Pilgrims, 531. The notation of streets and buildings are as follows; the first figures referring to the Historical Magazine plan and the figures in brackets to the Dexter plan:

1 [3] Belfry, no longer standing.

2 [2] St. Peter's Church.

3 [14] The Commandery.

4 [] Heerensteeg, about one hundred and fifty feet easterly from Robinson's house..

5 [1] Klocksteeg or Alley, on which Robinson's house fronted.

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DEXTER'S PLAN

6 [7] Simonszoon house, on the east of Robinson's. On Dexter's plan this is called the estate of van der Wilde.

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