The coppy of the order follows.

At the COURTE at WHIT-HALL the 19. Jan[uary]: 1632 [33].

Wheras his Matie hath latly been informed of great distraction and much disorder in that plantation in the parts of America called New-England, which, if they be true, and suffered to rune on, would tende to the great dishonour of this kingdome, and utter ruine of that plantation. For prevention wherof, and for the orderly settling of government, according to the intention of those patents which have been granted by his Ma[jes]tie and from his late royall father king James, it hath pleased his Ma[jes]tie that the lords and others of his most honourable Privie Counsell, should take the same into consideration. Their lordships in the first place thought fitt to make a comitie of this bord, to take examination of the matters informed; which committies 1 having called diverse of the principall adventurers in that plantation, and heard those that are complanants against them, most of the things informed being deneyed, and resting 2 to be proved by parties that must be called from that place, which required a long expence of time; and at presente their lordships finding the adventurers were upon dispatch of men, victles, and marchandice for that place, all which would be at a stand, if the adventurers should have discouragmente, or take suspition that the state hear had no good opinion of that plantaat a later time, John Humfrey, who gave their answer in writing. The Committee of the Council were occupied for three days on this matter. Winthrop states that upon the reading of the answer of the representatives of the company a conclusion favorable to the Plantation resulted. History, 1. *103.

1 Should be "committee."

2 Rested in the Council Records.

" "at the present" in Council Records.

tion; their lordships, not laying1 the faulte or fancies (if any be) of some perticuler men upon the generall govermente, or principall adventurers, (which in due time is further to be inquired into,) have thought fitt in the meane time to declare, that the appearences were so faire, and hopes so greate, that the countrie would prove both beneficiall to this kingdom, and profitable to the perticuler adventurers, as that the adventurers had cause to goe on cherfully with their undertakings, and rest assured, if things were carried as was pretended when the patents were granted, and accordingly as by the patentes it is appointed his Majestie would not only maintaine the liberties and privileges heretofore granted, but supply any thing further that might tend to the good govermente, prosperitie, and comforte of his people ther of that place, etc.2

WILLIAM TRUMBALL.

1 This word is not in the original Council Records. The editor of these records supplies the word "notwithstanding."

The report of the Council was laid before the King by Sir Thomas Jermyn, a member of the Privy Council and a subscriber in the Virginia Company, who "spake much in the commendation of the governour, both to the lords and after to his majesty." The king said, “he would have them severely punished, who did abuse his governour and the plantation; that the defendants were dismissed with a favorable order for their encouragement, being assured from some of the council, that his majesty did not intend to impose the ceremonies of the church of England upon us; for that it was considered, that it was the freedom from such things that made people come over to us; and it was credibly informed to the council, that this country would, in time, be very beneficial to England, for masts, cordage, etc. if the Sound should be debarred." Winthrop, History, 1. *103. See letter from Edward Howes to John Winthrop, Jr., March 18, 1632-33, in 3 Mass. Hist. Collections, Ix. 252.

MR

R. ALLERTON, returning for England,1 litle regarded his bound of a 1000li. to performe covenants; for wheras he was bound by the same to bring the ship to [190] London, and to pay 30li. per month for her hire, he did neither of boath, for he carried her to Bristoll againe, from whence he intended to sett her out againe, and so did the 3 time, into these parts (as after will appear); and though she had been 2 months upon the

3.

former viage, at 30li. per month, yet he never payed peney for hire. It should seeme he knew well enough how to deale with Mr. Sherley. And Mr. Sherley, though he would needs tye her and her accounte upon the generall, yet he would dispose of her as him selfe pleased; for though Mr. Winslow had in their names protested against the receiving her on that accounte, or if ever they should hope to preveile in shuch a thing, yet never to suffer Mr. Allerton to have any more to doe in her, yet he the last year let her wholy unto him, and injoyned them to send all their supplye in her to their prejudice, as is before noted. And now, though he broke his bonds, kepte no covenante, paid no hire, nor was ever like to keep covenants, yet now he goes and sells him all, both ship, and all her accounts, from first to last (and in effecte he might as well have given him the same); and not only this, but he doth as good as provide a sanctuary for him, for he gives him one years time to prepare his accounte, and then to give up the same to them here; and then another year for him to make paymente of what should be due upon

1 Allerton was expected in London towards the end of November, 1632. He carried letters from Boston, dated September 29. 3 Mass. Hist. Collections, Ix. 249, 257.

The figures are illegible. Deane says 10, but it has more the appearance of 12 and of having been struck out.

that accounte. And in the mean time writes ernestly to them not to interupte or hinder him from his bussines, or stay him aboute clearing accounts, etc.; so as he in the mean time gathers up all monies due for fraighte, and any other debtes belonging either to her, or the Frindship's accounts, as his owne perticuler; and after, sells ship, and ordnans, fish, and what he had raised, in Spane,1 according to the first designe, in effecte; and who had, or what became of the money, he best knows. In the mean time their hands were bound, and could doe nothing but looke on, till he had made all away into other mens hands (save a few catle and a litle land and some small maters he had here at Plimoth), and so in the end removed, as he had allready his person, so all his from hence. This will better appere by Mr. Sherley's leter.

1 The exportation of war material from Great Britain to Spain appears to have been permitted at this time, though illegal. "In regard to the export of warlike stores, that the Council had requested his opinion thereupon, in connection with his Majesty's finances, and that he had then disapproved thereof. We, nevertheless, have been, afterwards informed that the exportation is permitted to Spain and Italy." The Dutch Representatives in England to the States General, April 10 (N. s.), 1632. Documents relating to the History of New York, 1. 48.

When Allerton removed from New Plymouth is not known, but his wife died in 1634, and in the following year he was living at Marblehead, with his son-in-law Moses Maverick. He was not permitted to rest there in peace, as the Massachusetts General Court agreed, March 4, 1634-35, “that Mr. Allerton shalbe sent for, by processe, to the nexte Court of Assistants, to the intent that hee may vnderstand the desire of the country for his removeall from Marble Harbor, and soe to be enioyned to be att the nexte Generall Court, or otherwise to be dealt withall, as the particular court shall thinke meete." Mass. Col. Rec., 1. 140. In May, 1635, it was recorded that he had transferred to Maverick "all his howses, buildings, and stages," he held in that place. On the same day (May 6) Marble Head was set up to be a plantation. Leaving Marblehead for some years all traces of him are lost. In March, 1636–37, his name occurs among the freemen of New Plymouth, and later, some time before 1643, he went to New Amsterdam, where he became a resident, and a subject of the States General of Holland. For in November, 1643, he is one of eight signers to the appeal to the States General for better protection against the Indians, in which they acknowledged the States General as "our Sovereigns." As the eight signers were chosen by ballot of the Commonalty, the election marked Allerton as already of some prominence at Manhattan. Even in this apparently public spirited design,

SIR: These few lines are further to give you to understand, that seeing you and we, that never differed yet but aboute the White-Angell, which some what troubleth us, as I perceive it doth you. And now Mr. Allerton beeing here, we have had some confferance with him about her, and find him very willing to give you and us all contente that possiblie he can, though he burthen him selfe. He is contente to take the White-Angell wholy on him selfe, notwithstanding he mett with pirates neer the coast of Ierland, which tooke away his best sayles and other provissions from her; so as verily if we should now sell her, she would yeeld but a small price, besides her ordnance. And to set her forth againe with fresh money we would not, she being now at Bristoll. Wherfore we thought it best, both for you and us, Mr. Allerton being willing to take her, to accepte of his bond of tow thousand pounds, to give [191] you a true and perfecte accounte, and take the whole charge of the Whit-Angell wholy to him selfe, from the first to the last. The accounte he is to make and perfecte within 12 months from the date of this letter, and then to pay you at 6. and 6 months after, what soever shall be due unto you and us upon the foote of that accounte. And verily, notwithstanding all the disasters he hath had, I am perswaded he hath enough to pay all men here and ther. Only they must have patience till he can gather in what is due to him his conduct did not escape notice. Kieft charged that two of the signers, Allerton being one, "cheated the good people whose names they dishonestly made use of, and whom they imploringly besought to sign, thus deceiving the Lords Patroons, inducing them to believe that the original letter was signed by the Eight men." Some allowance must be made for the bitter feelings excited at the time over the conduct of Kieft. In October, 1644, Allerton was still at Manhattan, but some two years after, in March, 1646-47, he was in New Haven colony, and received a seating in the meeting-house at that time. His servant complained that Allerton was "much absent," doubtless upon trading ventures, and in 1649 he is among sundry men "rated for trades and merchandizing." In these years he served as a medium of communication between the New Englanders and the Dutch, and seemed to be trusted by both parties. He died before February 12, 1658-59, leaving an insolvent estate. Documents relating to the History of New York, 1. 140, 207; New Haven Col. Rec., 1. 302, 499, 532-535; 11. 126, 307. Allerton was obviously a man of a type with which the world is very familiar. Of a speculative turn, he was lacking in moral perceptions. He thus continually incurred obligations which it was inconvenient or impossible for him to meet, and then he apparently had recourse to subterfuges.