not quite tangible or visible. But the most powerful work has been teaching my race to get rid of the old idea regarding the influence of labor; teaching them that all forms of labor are dignified; teaching them the same lesson that made your race strong and powerful and useful, the lesson that each race, despite its moral progress, its religious progress, its mental strength, must have a certain economic foundation. In that respect the negro can be no different from other people in this country.

But does this effort and this form of education pay the nation? And to what extent? Counting those who have finished the full course, together with those who have finished a partial course and are doing reasonably efficient work, the Tuskegee Institute alone-and it is not the only institution doing this work; there are scores of others, but perhaps on a smaller scalethat institution alone has sent out into the world, mainly into the South, six thousand men and women who are working every year in the uplift and strengthening of their fellows. Let me give you one example of this class, and the quality of this work. I have in mind one of our girls who began sixteen years ago to teach in a district in the South where there never had been a school longer than three months. That girl began teaching for eleven dollars per month, for three months in the year. Go into that community to-day. Through the sacrifice as the world terms it—you will find a school lasting nine months every year, in a neat, comfortable cottage; the people owning their farms and living in beautiful, well-kept houses. You will find a complete revolution in that community. When I was there last, I saw that girl close her school at two o'clock in the afternoon. I saw her take a hoe and lead her boys and girls into a field about the schoolhouse. I saw her work in four acres of land and at the end of the year she produced two bales of cotton and sold it so she might have the school term last nine months a year. Some people refer to that kind of thing as a sacrifice. I never do. Sometimes people are kind enough to refer to me as making sacrifices for the benefit of my race. I have never made a sacrifice in my life. No one who has the privilege of rendering a service in the interest of his fellows after the fashion of that girl ever makes a sacrifice. The man to be pitied is the one who lives for himself alone. The one to be envied is the one who has learned to live for others. The longer I live and the more experience I have, the more I am convinced that after all the one thing worth living for-and dying for if necessary-is the opportunity of making some human being more happy and more useful. When we take that supreme object out of the life of a teacher, the profession of a teacher is not worth having.

There is something deep down in human nature that compels one man to respect success in another man, regardless of the color of his skin. With the education and with the development of the millions of negroes in this country this entire nation should concern itself. The President of the University of Wisconsin referred to the waste of the natural resources of this country. Do you realize, my friends, that one-fourth of the physical territory of America is occupied almost wholly by the negro race as laborers, to the exclusion of

almost every other class of laboring people? Do you realize that statistics. show that these people get only about one-fourth out of the soil, about onefourth as much as is gotten out of the soil by your farmers in your northern and western groups of states? It is impossible to reach these millions of my people and to show them how to conserve the natural resources of this country except you reach them through the schools as has already been pointed out.

You will find that these people are going to remain here. Within the lifetime of persons now living, the negro race will perhaps have increased from ten millions to fifteen millions. You owe a duty to us, a supreme duty, one which you owe to no other class of foreigners. You forced us here without our willingness to come here. You invited us here. You paid our passage here, and we have some right to remain here. Aside from the matter of color, the negro in America is more like you than any other class of foreigners with whom you come in contact. Far different in that respect from the American Indian, far different from the Japanese, from the Chinaman. He professes the same religion you profess, and has the same number of denominations that you have. He speaks the same language you speak, or makes a brave attempt to do so. And you will agree with me, my friends, he spells out of the same book that you spell out of. In that respect he not only follows you but sometimes gets a little ahead of you. He dresses as you dress. We may be a little behind in the fashion one Sunday sometimes, but if the merry widow hat appears on a main street this Sunday, our women may be behind, but look out for them the next Sunday. If you attempt to change the hair which nature has given you, we do the same thing. The only difference is that while you are trying to make yours curly, we are trying to make ours straight.

But, my friends, seriously, in all the more fundamental matters the American negro is more like you than any other foreigner in this country; and above and beyond all, we have the same love and the same veneration for the institutions and the history of this country that you cherish. For all of these reasons and more, I am sure you will see to it that the negro is given a fair chance in the matter of education.

Now, to educate the negro is not impossible nor impracticable. Some people say that education to uplift the negro is a failure. It has never been tried far enough or long enough for you to pronounce judgment. Let me give you a few ideas of what has been accomplished as the result of the education we have received. Through the taxes of the southern states, through the negroes' own efforts and through the generosity of people in the North and West in the matter of material advancement, do you realize that through the unselfish work done by educated men and women from Hampton and Tuskegee and other educational centers, the negro race in Georgia has advanced to the point where last year it paid taxes upon eighteen million dollars worth of property. That figure left out of consideration what the negro held in Georgia in town and city lots. In Georgia alone we added seventy thousand acres to our holdings. We own and have acquired since we became a free people,

largely through the work of the educated negro, thirty-eight million acres of land, a territory equal to the combined territory of Holland and Belgium.

But we are not only making material progress. We are making educational progress as well. We are surrounded by the most advanced civilization that the world has ever seen, and you may judge of our progress by your progress, and you require a pretty severe test. When we can catch up with the American white man there won't be many other fellows ahead of us. The ability of the American negro is being tested day by day. If we were living in the midst of an Asiatic or Latin civilization, the test wouldn't be so great. But this great, surging, pushing Anglo-Saxon civilization surrounds us. Within a little over forty years we have made progress in getting rid of ignorance. A few centuries ago when the negro landed in this country he was in complete ignorance.

A gentleman asked me a few days ago if I wouldn't advocate compulsory education for my race. I said, "That is not necessary; the negro hasn't advanced that far in American civilization. Open a schoolroom any day and he will fill it. Open another and he will fill that. He honors teachers and schoolhouses and long terms and a chance to educate himself in the American fashion." Some people suggest that the negro can learn from books, and learn a trade, and he can get property, but the weak point of that system is that none of these elements influence or strengthen him in his moral or religious status. To make the general statement implies nothing in the way of work or research. You will find that industrial education has not only helped the negro along economically and mentally, but has strengthened him in his moral and religious life.

It has been suggested that in proportion as the negro gets education he either stands still or goes backward in his moral and religious life. My friends, you don't know the best negroes in this country. You seldom come into contact with them in a way to be able to pass judgment upon their real progress. You judge of the progress of the negro by the reports about those who appear in the police courts. Suppose I would pass judgment upon you by what I see of the loafers in this or any community. I don't do that. I pass judgment upon you by your best representatives and not by your worst; and the negro has a right to be judged in the same manner. Answering that question further, of all the men and women who have gone out from Tuskegee during all these years with our diploma, with one single exception, not one has ever entered a jail or penitentiary anywhere in America. What I say of that institution is true also of Hampton. Fifteen of the older colleges and universities and industrial schools have been examined by me within a few years, and less than a half-dozen of their graduates have ever been sentenced to a penitentiary. The man guilty of crime in nine cases out of ten is the man who has not learned the dignity of labor, has not learned to love work for its own sake, has never become a taxpayer. He is the fellow who is way down. Your duty and my duty as educators and Christians will not have been performed until either

through the public school or other agencies we reach down and take these creatures by the hand and help them to stand and be full-fledged, helpful, useful, and happy American citizens.

To indicate further the moral progress of the millions of negroes in this country, do you realize that the negro has sixteen thousand ministers, and twenty-four thousand Christian churches? He has church property to the value of twenty-seven million dollars. Could a worthless, improvident, immoral race have attained to any such progress as these figures indicate?

But, my friends, we have scarcely touched this problem in our methods of education. I have simply given you these facts to show you what is possible. Do you realize that two years ago in our southern states there were fourteen hundred thousand negro children that entered no public school, and five hundred thousand more negro children in school only four or five months out of the twelve? Do you realize further that in your northern and western groups of states you had five dollars spent for the education of each child, while in the southern states less than fifty cents was spent for the education of each negro? There are two races in this country to be educated in sympathy, helpful kindness, and charity toward each other. In our ambition to push for the immediate progress of our own race, we sometimes forget the higher duty to the weak race near us. My friends, we cannot separate the interests of one race from another. Disease, filth, crime, draw no color line. We cannot hold one man down in the ditch without remaining down in the ditch with him.

There are two classes of southern white people, the one class with whose views you are perhaps already familiar through the public press, a class that is abusive in language and manner, that has no faith in any of the efforts to uplift the negro. But there is another class of southern white people, a smaller, but an educated, cultured, brave class, that is just as much interested in the elevation of the negro and in his education as any other class in the North or West, or anywhere in America. The people of this country owe a debt of gratitude to that brave, earnest class of southern white people that they can perhaps never repay. It has been through their efforts working in connection with the educated negro that we have made the progress in the southern states to which I have referred.

In conclusion let me add, that as we go out from this great meeting let us go out and teach the children under our care-black and white-that of all forms of slavery the most belittling, the most narrowing, the most hurtful, is that which makes one human being hate another because of his race or color. I have been a slave once in my life-a slave in body. But human hatred is a worse form of slavery than bondage of the body. Once for all I have resolved that no man shall make me a slave by making me hate him. No man can perform the highest and best service for his fellows while he is limited and circumscribed in his sympathies or activities in working for his fellows. I propose to be free to work in sympathy with all people, whether North or

South, black or white. And in proportion as this lesson is taught to the children under your care, in that proportion will our problems be solved. We have a great and serious problem before us, serious for your race and serious for mine, serious for the southern section of our country and serious for the northern section. But it will be solved in justice to your race and in justice to mine. In proportion as we meet and solve these great problems, in that degree are we strengthened and made more useful, and lifted up into the Christ atmosphere. I am sometimes asked if I don't grow discouraged because of the conditions that surround us. I like to think of the spirit and the example of the colored soldier who was shot down on the battlefield in the South during the Civil War. As he lay upon the ground bleeding and when the doctor came to him and felt his pulse and listened to his heart beat he reported to the chaplain that Sergeant Jones was passing away. The chaplain went to the colored sergeant and said, "You are passing away, isn't there some little token or some word of comfort which I can convey to your loved ones at home?" He opened his eyes and said, "Put your arms about my neck and lift me up just a little." The chaplain did it. The Sergeant said, "Put your hand in my coat pocket and take out that little black book." And then he said, "Feel in the upper corner of that book and you will find something, hold it up before my eyes so I can see it." As he did it the Sergeant lifted himself up on his elbow and glanced at the five dollar bill. Then he looked the chaplain straight in the eye and said, "Chaplain, I will bet you five dollars that I am going to get well."

Now, my friends, I know that this great educational gathering is not the proper place for betting. But I am almost tempted to say I am willing to bet the people of this nation five dollars that the negro race is going to get well, well in body, well in mind, well in heart. And as you go out from this great meeting may all the influence that you possess in public school, in high school, in college, in university, in counting-rooms, and elsewhere, be used in helping my race to get well, and to become independent, strong, useful American citizens.

THE RECONCILEMENT OF CROSS-PURPOSES IN THE

EDUCATION OF WOMEN

SARAH LOUISE ARNOLD, DEAN OF SIMMONS COLLEGE, BOSTON, MASS. Our system of education, from the kindergarten through the university, reflects the ideals of the people and grows with their growth. A change in the social order may be quickly discerned in its effect upon the schools, which are modified to meet the new demands. Whatever the present generation lacked in its training, it desires to secure for the generation to come. So to the original purpose of imparting knowledge and opening books to the student, we have added insistence upon training for character and the preparation for citizenship. In our school ideal, the culture of the individual has become tributary to social