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of them. That author actually mentions them all, and from his account they appear to be more ancient than Thrasyllus, who lived probably under Augustus and Tiberius, and who seemingly took them to be all of Plato's own hand.
P. 113. Eov rade kuvOUVEVELS.] These are the words of Phædra in the Hippolytus of Euripides, ν. 352. Σου ταδ' ουκ εμου κλυεις, which was played full three years after the time of this dialogue ; but this is only a slight anachronism, and I wish that Plato had never been guilty of any greater.
Ib. Ekevaplw v.] It is here used for clothes.
118. IIv@oklelon.] He was a musician of great note, as well as Damon. See Aristotle, cited by Plutarch in his life of Pericles. Some attribute to Pythoclides the invention of the Mixo-Lydian harmony, used in tragedy; but Aristoxenus ascribes it to Sappho. See Plutarch de Musica, and Burette's notes in the Mémoires de L'Acad. des Inscriptions, &c. vol. 13. p. 234.
Ib. HAOw eyeveo Onv.] He speaks of Xanthippus and Paralus, as already dead, though in reality they were living two years after the time of this dialogue.
119. Pythodorus, son of Isolochus and scholar to Zeno of Elea. Qu?—Whether he were the same who was Archon Ol. 94. 1. ?
120. Meldav.] He is mentioned by Aristophanes in Avibus.
Ib. Avdparodwon spexa.] This is explained by Potter, L. 1. c. 10.
121. "Ων αι γυναικες.] One office of the Ephori was, to watch over the chastity of the queen.
122. Ovdevu Melel. Of old the court of Areopagus were inspectors of the education of youth. The members of it divided that care among them, and each of them in his province took note of such fathers as gave not their children an education suitable to their fortune and way of life, as Isocrates shews at large in his beautiful Areopagitick oration. At what time their vigilance on this head began to decline, I cannot fix; but it was probably towards the beginning of the administration of Pericles,
The true subject certainly is, to demonstrate the necessity of knowing one's self, and that, without this foundation, all other acquisitions in science are not only useless, but pernicious.
NOTES. when the authority of that venerable body was lessened and restrained by Ephialtes, that is, before Ol. 80. 1; yet I find the form of the thing still continued, though not the force of it: for Æschines speaking of the discipline young men were subject to, from about the age of eighteen to twenty, has these words ; Ilas ο του μειρακισκου χρονος εστιν υπο Σωφρονιστας, και την επι τους νεους αιρεσιν της εξ Αρειου παγου βουλης. (Æschin. in Axiocho, p. 96.) The Sophronistæ here mentioned, are distinct from the Areopagites, being the name of a nagistracy thus described in Etymolog. Magn. Σωφρονισται, αρχοντες τινες χειροτονητοι, δεκα τον αριθμον έκαστης φυλης, επεμελούντο δε της των εφηβων σωφροσυνης.
Ρ. 122. Πολλας γαρ ηδη γενεας.] We are not told, I believe, by any other writer, that the use of money was so early introduced into Lacedæmon; but the following passage of Posidonius in Athenaeus, may help to explain it; Λακεδαιμονιοι υπο των εθων κωλυομενοι εισφερειν εις την Σπαρτην, (ώς και αυτος στορει ΙΙοσειδωνιος), και κτάσθαι χρυσον και αργυρον, εκτώντο μεν ουδεν ήττον, παρακατετιθετο δε τοις όμορους Αρκασιν, ειτα πολεμιoυς αυτους εσχον αντι φιλων, όπως ανυπευθυνον το απιστον δια την εχθραν γενηται τω μεν ουν εν Δελφους Απολλωνι τον προτερον εν τη Λακεδαιμονι χρυσον και αργυρον ιστoρoύσιν ανατεθηναι. κτλ. Αthen. L. 6. p. 233, and we may consult also Plato's Hip. Maj. p. 283, and De Republicâ, L. 8, p. 548. Plutarch says, that money was not even allowed for the uses of the publick, till after the siege of Athens and its surrendering to Lysander, when that point was carried after a great struggle; though, at the same time, it was made capital to apply it to private occasions. This happened twenty seven years after the date of this dialogue.
Ib. Γενεθλια.] The birthday of the Persian king was yearly observed by all Asia.
Ib. Και Μεσσηνης.] Messenia was a country far surpassing The time of this dialogue is towards the end of Alcibiades's nineteenth year, which (as Dodwell reckons) is 01. 87. 1. Socrates was then about thirty-nine years old.
Laconia in fertility, and equal to the best in Greece: Euripides describes them both. See ap. Strabonem, L. 8, p. 367, and Pausanias, L. 4, p. 285.
Ρ. 122. Των τε αλλων και των Ειλωτικων.] The Spartans, therefore, made use of other slaves besides the Heilotæ.
123. Aelvouaxns. ] The value of an Athenian matron's wardrobe and ornaments was about fifty minæ, (£161. 9s. 2d.)
Ib. Γης πλεθρα Ερχιασιν.] Three hundred Πλεθρα of land was a great estate for an Athenian : a plethrum is one hundred feet square. Observe, that the lands of Alcibiades did not lie in that Anuos to which he belonged, for he was of Scambonidæ.
Ib. Baollikos popos.] Herodotus, L. 6, enumerates the privileges and prerogatives of the Spartan kings, but makes no mention of this revenue, which was probably instituted after his time.
124. Observe that Agis did not come to the crown till five years after this conversation.
H, ΠΕΡΙ ΠΡΟΣΕΥΧΗΣ.
This is a continuation of the same subject; for what is said on prayer is rather accidental, and only introductory to the main purpose of the dialogue. It is nothing inferior in elegance to the former. Some have attributed it to Xenophon, but it is undoubtedly Plato's, and designed as a second part to the former.
I could be glad if it were as easy to fix the time of it, as Dacier would persuade us, who boldly fixes it Ol. 93. 1, but there are facts alluded to in it, that will
NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.
Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 2. p. 138.
141. Ta zaidika.] Craterus conspired with Hellenocrates and Decamnichus to murder that prince, (Archelaus of Macedonia) as he was hunting. Aristotle calls him Cratæus, and gives a fuller account of this conspiracy than any other author. Aristot. Politic. L. 5. c. 10. Archelaus had promised him one of his daughters in marriage, for he had two, but gave one to the king of Elimea and the other to his own son Amyntas. Hellenocrates was a Larissæan who had likewise been subservient to the king's pleasures.
143. Aυτικα μαλα παρασταιη-ειπειν- βουλομενον, &c.] All words importing the present time, and not to be in any way interpreted of the past, as Dacier pretends.
neither be reconciled to that date, nor indeed to one another; and besides, it is better to allow Plato to be guilty of these inaccuracies in chronology, than of those improprieties of character which must be the consequences of Dacier's supposition. It is plain, that Socrates continues, as in the preceding discourse, to treat Alcibiades with a certain gentle superiority of understanding, and that he prescribes to (and instructs) him in a manner extremely proper to form the mind
P. 144. What Plato would prove in this place is excellent, namely;
To των αλλων επιστημων κτημα, εαν τις ανευ του βελτιστου κεκτημενος η, ολιγακις μεν ωφελειν, βλαπτειν δε τα πλειω τον εχοντα
See also de Repub. L. 6. p. 506. and de Legibus, L. 2.
145. Avtn dmv.] This relates to what he had proved in the former dialogue, (Alcibiad. 1. p. 116.) which would be absurd if that conversation had passed twenty years before.
147. A line from Homer's Margites; Iloll’NTILOTATO epya, κακως δ' επιστατο παντα.
148. A Spartan prayer : τα καλα διδοναι επι τοις αγαθοις.
Ib. Οι πλειστας μεν θυσιας.] The Athenians were remarkably sumptuous in their temples and publick worship, beyond any other people: two months in the year were taken up entirely in these solemnities. See Aristophan. in Vespis, Schol. ad v. 655, and Xenoph. de Republ. Athen. p. 699.
149. Evonua.] Proclamation was always made in the beginning of sacrifices in this form : Evonueite, eu nueite, and then followed a solemn prayer.
Ib. Κακον τοκιστην.] Perhaps we should read, Δικαστην.
150. Ούτος εστιν ώ μελει περι σου.] Socrates may either mean the Divinity here, as in the former dialogue, Alcibiad. 1. p. 135. Εαν βουλή συ. Σωκ: Ου καλως λεγεις. Αλκιβ: Αλλα πως χρη λεγειν ; Σωκ: “Οτι εαν θεος εθελη: for it was the character of Socrates to assume nothing to himself: he ascribes all to the