quent debate Mr. (now Lord) Denman remarked, that "More of wisdom, more of benevolence, more of practical demonstration he had never heard in the course of his parliamentary career, than was contained in the energetic speech of his honourable friend.” When, however, the division took place on the question, "That the Bill for the mitigation of the punishment of death for forgery do pass," the Ayes were 115, and the Noes 121: and the bill was consequently lost! On the 5th of June, 1822, Sir James Mackintosh again brought forward the question, and was again seconded by Mr. Buxton. They succeeded in carrying by a majority of sixteen the motion, "That the House will in the next session consider the means of increasing the efficacy of the criminal law, by abating the rigour of its punishments." In 1823, however, the resolutions proposed by Sir James Mackintosh were rejected, and he and his friends were still struggling against a superior force, when in 1826, Mr. Peel, on his accession to office, undertook the momentous task of remodelling the whole penal code. An account will be given, in its proper place, of the final result of the movement for the mitigation of that sanguinary code by which, at the period when Sir James Mackintosh and Mr. Buxton brought the subject forward, two hundred and thirty offences were punishable with death! SLAVE CHOSEN BY MR. WILBERFORCE AS HIS SUCCESSOR IN THE SLAVERY THE evening after Mr. Buxton had delivered his speech on criminal law, he received the following letter from Mr. Wilberforce : My dear Buxton, 66 London, May 24. 1821. "It is now more than thirty-three years since, after having given notice in the House of Commons that I should bring forward, for the first time, the question concerning the Slave Trade, it pleased God to visit me with a severe indisposition, by which, indeed, I was so exhausted, that the ablest physician in London of that day declared that I had not stamina to last above a very few weeks. On this I went to Mr. Pitt, and begged of him a promise, which he kindly and readily gave me, to take upon himself the conduct of that great cause. "I thank God, I am now free from my indisposition; but from my time of life, and much more from the state of my constitution, and my inability to bear inclemencies of weather, and irregularities, which close attendance on the House of Commons often requires, I am reminded, but too intelligibly, of my being in such a state that I ought not to look confidently to my being able to carry through any business of importance in the House of Commons. "Now for many, many years I have been longing to bring forward that great subject, the condition of the Negro slaves in our Trans-Atlantic colonies, and the best means of providing for their moral and social improvement, and ultimately for their advancement to the rank of a free peasantry; a cause this recommended to me, or rather enforced on me, by every consideration of religion, justice, and humanity. "Under this impression I have been waiting, with no little solicitude, for a proper time and suitable circumstances of the country, for introducing this great business; and, latterly, for some Member of Parliament, who, if I were to retire or to be laid by, would be an eligible leader in this holy enterprise. "I have for some time been viewing you in this connection; and after what passed last night, I can no longer forbear resorting to you, as I formerly did to Pitt, and earnestly conjuring you to take most seriously into consideration, the expediency of your devoting yourself to this blessed service, so far as will be consistent with the due discharge of the obligations you have already contracted, and in part so admirably fulfilled, to war against the abuses of our criminal law, both in its structure and its administration. Let me then entreat you to form an alliance with me, that may truly be termed holy, and if I should be unable to commence the war (certainly not to be declared this session); and still more, if, when commenced, I should, (as certainly would, I fear, be the case,) be unable to finish it, do I entreat that you would continue to prosecute it. Your assurance to this effect would give me the greatest pleasure pleasure is a bad term - let me rather say peace and consolation; for alas, my friend, I feel but too deeply, how little I have been duly assiduous and faithful in employing the talents committed to my stewardship; and in forming a partnership of this sort with you, I cannot doubt that I should be doing an act highly pleasing to 1821. AS HIS SUCCESSOR IN THE SLAVERY CAUSE. 119 God, and beneficial to my fellow creatures. Both my head and heart are quite full to overflowing, but I must conclude. My dear friend, may it please God to bless you, both in your public and private course. If it be His will, may He render you an instrument of extensive usefulness; but above all, may He give you the disposition to say at all times, Lord, what would'st thou have me to do,' or to suffer? looking to Him, through Christ, for wisdom and strength. And while active in business and fervent in spirit upon earth, may you have your conversation in heaven, and your affections set on things above. There may we at last meet, together with all we most love, and spend an eternity of holiness and happiness complete, and unassailable. I must stop. "Ever affectionately yours, Many causes had been concurring to prepare Mr. Buxton for entering upon this "holy enterprise." His attention had, at an early period, been drawn, though slightly, to the questions of Slavery and the Slave Trade. In one of his private memoranda he enumerates among the causes for thankfulness, "the strong impression on my mother's mind, transfused into mine in very early life, of the iniquity of Slavery and the Slave Trade;" and he notices a remark which she often made, "while we continue to commit such a sin, how can we ask forgiveness of our sins?" He mentions also, that he used to ridicule his eldest sister for refusing to eat slave-grown sugar; but," he adds, "her doing so made me think. Singular, too, that my first speech on entering college was upon the Slave Trade, and my first speech on entering life was at the Tower Hamlets, on the same subject." We have seen that he had become an active member of the African Institution; and although that body devoted its attention to the Slave Trade alone, and did not take up the kindred question of Slavery, yet his connection with it no doubt contributed to turn his mind to the varied sufferings of the Negro race. The reader need scarcely be reminded, that the importation of fresh Negroes from Africa to our colonies had been declared illegal in 1807, after a twenty years' struggle on the part of Mr. Wilberforce, Mr. Clarkson, and their distinguished coadjutors; and England had no sooner abolished her own trade, than with characteristic energy she strove to obtain, by persuasion or by purchase, a similar measure from the other European powers. Whilst, however, the British Slave Trade had been abolished, British Slavery remained. Though no fresh Negroes could now be introduced into our colonies, yet those who had been already imported were still held in bondage. It is singular how often the Slave Trade is confounded with Slavery, even in quarters where such a blunder would be least expected. There were various reasons which prevented those who had effected the abolition of the Slave Trade from attempting also the emancipation of the slaves*; but we see, in Mr. Wilberforce's letter, that the latter was a subject which constantly weighed upon his mind, and filled him with painful solicitude. When Mr. Buxton first entered Parliament, his attention was drawn to this question by a letter from his brother-in-law, Mr. William Forster, who, after describing the interest taken by Mr. Buxton's friends In 1807, Earl Percy (afterwards Duke of Northumberland) proposed the emancipation of the Negro children, but without effect. |