BY THOMAS WALKER, M.A.

TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE,

BARRISTER AT LAW, AND ONE OF THE POLICE MAGISTRATES OF THE METROPOLIS'

PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY AT 12 O'CLOCK, BY H. RENSHAW, 356, STRAND, NEARLY OPPOSITE WELLINGTON STREET.

No. XXIV.] WEDNESDAY, OCT. 28, 1835. [PRICE 3d.

LIBERTY is a super-excellent thing, very much talked about, and very little understood, generally least of all by those who make the most noise about it: indeed, I should say, it is an unerring rule, that a noisy advocate for liberty is never a sincere one. Noise comes of ignorance, interest, or passion; but the true love of liberty dwells only in the bosoms of the pure and reasonable.

Licence they mean, when they cry liberty;

For who loves that, must first be wise and good.

The vital maxim of the worshippers of liberty is the Christian one: Let us do unto others as we would they should do unto us; all else who profess their devotion, are tyrants in disguise, which disguise they throw off the moment they attain the power against which they have been exclaiming. The essence of liberty is division and order, and its preserving principle, self-government. In proportion as this combination

BB

is perfect, the state of liberty will be perfect. The ignorant cannot keep this in view, and the designing will not; in consequence of which, instead of the re-adaptation of sound principles as circumstances require, they are frequently abandoned, and expedients of a contrary tendency introduced, sometimes with specious effect in the first instance, but with certain evil eventually. The present times are peculiarly illustrative of this, in the desire manifested to adopt the centralization, and ochlocratic or mob principles. The centralization principle is the exact opposite of the principle of division, under which last the nation grew to be what it is; and its increase requires a re-adaptation to continue its glory, instead of an abandonment to destroy it. The ochlocratic or mob principle, though it may appear to be founded on the principle of self-government, is virtually the reverse, and for this reason, that its tendency is to throw the management of affairs into the hands of a few, and those the most unworthy; whilst apathy and disgust keep the best as much aloof, as if they were by law excluded from interference. This is an inevitable result in the long run. It is witnessed continually in ochlocratically organized parishes and corporations, and has, from the first, been visible in different degrees in the new overgrown parliamentary constituencies. The excitement of the moment is producing a partial activity, but which is factitious, and not essential. The cumbrous machines will only be towed into action by party steamers, in the shape of clubs and associations, and, in ordinary times, will be completely water-logged, while corruption and misrule will gradually creep in undisturbed. It will require far more statesman-like contrivances to draw men from their business, their pleasure, and their ease, and induce them sufficiently to interest themselves in public affairs to keep public affairs in their proper The spirit of party will not accomplish this.

course.

Zealots in liberty are apt to suppose that it consists entirely in independence of all government; that is, that the less power

is lodged with government, the more freedom is left to the citizens. But the most perfect state of liberty consists in the most complete security of person and property, not only from government, but from individuals; and in this point of view, I apprehend, liberty is enjoyed to far greater extent in England than in any other country in the world. In this point of view, honesty and peaceable behaviour are essential to the enjoyment of liberty. Robbery, fraud, assassination, murder, assault, even exposure to duels, are all destructive of a state of liberty; and, taking exemption from these evils, as well as from any arbitrary interference on the part of government, I cannot doubt but that the balance is greatly in our favour, though we have great room for improvement. If in any other country there is greater security from individual invasion of person or property, it is enjoyed at an annoying and dangerous sacrifice of public liberty, for which there can be no compensation. Besides, as in despotic countries there is no publicity as there is in this, it is doubtful whether appearances are not often contrary to the reality. For instance, it has latterly been discovered, contrary to all former supposition, that there are more suicides, in proportion to population, in Paris than in London; and I will add, though it has nothing to do with my subject, that there are more in London in July than in November, which is contrary to all former supposition also. Whether a man has his pocket picked by a sharper, or by an oppressive impost; whether his plate or jewels are seized by an order of government, or are carried away by a housebreaker; whether his estate is cleared of its game by the king's purveyor, or by a gang of poachers; or whether he is confined to his house after a certain hour by a regulation of police, or by the fear of being robbed or murdered,-in neither predicament can he be said to enjoy perfect liberty, which consists in security of person and property, without molestation or restraint, provided there is no molestation or restraint of others. To attain this liberty, strong government is neces

sary, but strong without being vexatious, and the only form is that which, in the true spirit of our constitution, consists of a simple supreme government, presiding over and keeping duly organized a scale of self-governments below it. It is by moral influence alone that liberty, as I have just defined it, can be secured, and it is only in self-governments that the proper moral influence exists. In proportion as the supreme government takes upon itself the control of local affairs, apathy, feebleness, and corruption will creep in, and our increasing wealth, which should prove a blessing, will only hasten our ruin. I refer those who interest themselves in this subject, to the article on the Principles of Government in my first number, and to my different articles on Parochial Government. I intend, ere long, to consider the forms of government most applicable to towns and counties.

THE ART OF ATTAINING HIGH HEALTH. (Continued.)

Having treated in my last number of the times for taking exercise, I proceed to the consideration of the proper quantity. The quantity of exercise desirable depends upon constitution, time of life, occupation, season, and kind and degree. I am unable to say with precision what kinds of constitution require the most exercise. Persons in health, of compact or light frame, seem the best adapted to take a great deal with benefit to themselves. Weakly and heavy people are generally distressed by much exertion; but then it is difficult to distinguish what is the effect of habit, and what of natural constitution. Those who appear to be weak, often make themselves strong by a judicious course of management, and the heavy frequently improve astonishingly in activity by good

training. One thing may be taken as certain, and that is, that it is wise to go on by degrees, and to increase the quantity of exercise as it is found to be beneficial; the best tests of which, are keenness of appetite and soundness of sleep. Over exercise ought always to be avoided; but that often depends more upon the manner than the quantity. The same quantity may distress, or benefit, as it is taken judiciously or the contrary. Condition also makes an immense difference in the same person. I remember, when I entered Switzerland after the full living of Germany, I was as different from what I was when I left it, as lead from feathers. In the first case, the ascent of an ordinary hill distressed me, and at last I enjoyed a buoyancy which seemed quite insensible to fatigue. Females appear to require a much less quantity of exercise than men; and it ought to be gentle and agreeable, instead of violent or long continued. With them, also, much depends upon circumstances; and, in Switzerland, delicate women can take as much exercise without inconvenience as would distress the strongest of the sex in less invigorating countries. With respect to time of life, the most vigorous periods of course demand the most exercise; but habit has always a great effect, and it is expedient not to relax from indolence instead of inability. As decay comes on, exercise should become moderate, and of short continuance at a time, and should be taken during the most genial periods of the day. Active occupations either altogether supersede, or diminish the necessity of exercise, for exercise sake; but sedentary or confined employments require a regular course, in order to ensure anything like permanent good health; and the better the air, the more efficacious will be the exercise. As to seasons, in hot weather the least exercise seems necessary, and that of a gentle kind; in a moderate temperature, the most may be taken with advantage; and when it is cold, exercise should be brisk, and then, from its bracing quality, a little goes a great way. Quantity of exercise depends very greatly upon kind and de