power to exercise exclusive legislation, in all cases whatsoever, over the seat of government. If it could be supported that this clause left it optional with Congress to exercise the power or not, there could be no doubt as to the expediency of exercising it. The provision was suggested by the history of all European capitals, as being essential to bestow dignity and independence on the government. "Without it, not only the public authority might be insulted, and its proceedings be interrupted with impuni ty, but a dependence of the members of the general government on the State comprehending the seat of government, for protection in the exercise of their duty, might bring on the national councils an imputation of awe or influence, equally dishonorable to the government, and dissatis. factory to the other members of the confederacy. The consideration has the more weight, as the gradual accumulation of public improvements at the stationary residence of government, would be too great a public pledge to be left in the hands of a single State, and would create so many obstacles to a removal of the government, as still further to abridge its necessary independence."* A great obstacle to the exercise of the control in a large commercial community, would be found in the mixed character of the population, and the many elements of discord which existed there. It could readily be foreseen that, in the midst of a dense and excitable mercantile population, such disturbances would frequently recur in times of high party feeling, or during any period of stagnation in business, when the unemployed multitudes could easily be aroused, by real or imaginary grievances, to overcome all opposition, and stay the operations of government. To check such influences, would impose upon the country the necessity of maintaining a strong military power at the capital, which it was desirable to avoid, it being no part of our policy to keep on foot a large standing army. Another reason for avoiding a seaport city, would be found in the greater variety and importance of the local objects for which Congress would be called upon to legislate, to the neglect of national affairs; and in the apprehension, then generally entertained, that the local expenditures and influence of the different departments, which, in themselves, could afford no reasonable ground of alarm, might, in connection with the wealth and power of such a city, operate greatly to the injury of other places. London and Westminster were mentioned as cases in point: though they, unitedly, sent but six members to Parliament, they had more influence in the measures of government, by their commercial importance, than the whole empire besides. It would become a favored city, and the government funds, largely disbursed there, would give it advantages, in point of capital, possessed by few others. A remark of Sir James McIntosh was extensively quoted, "that a great metropolis is to be considered as the heart of a political body-as the focus of its powers and talentsas the direction of public opinion, and, therefore, as a strong bulwark in the cause of freedom, or as a powerful engine in the hands of an oppressor;" and it had come to be considered that one of the surest ways to prevent our capital's becoming the latter, would be to deprive it of the elective franchise. There were obvious reasons why those who lived under the immediate shadow of the government might exert a greater influence over the country by their votes and opinions, than the same num * Federalist. ber who lived elsewhere. Many, at a distance, might suppose that those so situated, would have a better opportunity to scan the conduct of their rulers; and the result of the election would, on this account, be, by the successful party, heralded from one end of the Union to the other, while, in reality, it would become the seat of all manner of rival factions, in which the officers of government would mingle, and be tempted and enabled to use the power in their hands for purposes of corruption with more facilities and less fear of detection, than if obliged to go abroad and operate in other places. The city should never be branded with the name of any one political party, but be regarded as neutral ground, where all parties might meet, and be received on equal terms by the residents. There would be excitement enough attendant upon the ordinary business of legislation, without adding thereto the turmoil and strife of popu lar elections. Now, would any great commercial emporium be willing to give up this privilege, considered by Americans so invaluable, for the sake of having the government in their midst? Certainly not; nor would it be desirable that they should, since their voice in the public councils would be important. There would necessarily be, in all these places, branches of the government, such as custom-houses and naval stations, which were quite as much as it was desirable to concentrate in any one commercial community. Again, in a mercantile population, the great disproportion in fortune, and the heavy demand for land, would render it almost impossible for the officers of government to live in a style of decent respectability, suitable to their stations, upon the moderate salaries which a regard for economy, and the simplicity of our republican institutions, would seem to require ; whereas, in the absence of all other interests but those of persons connected with the government, the value of the property would adapt itself, in some measure, to the means of the inhabitants, and then our functionaries would be enabled to live in accessible and agreeable quarters, and to appear as well as those around them. Secondly. It was thought highly expedient that a city should be laid out expressly for this purpose, so that there would be ample provision for all public edifices for centuries to come. It is true that abundance of ground for the public buildings could have been at that time obtained in or about Philadelphia and Baltimore, but they would have then been either all concentrated in one point, and somewhat circumscribed in respect to room, and choice of situation; or, if more scattered, there would be a difficulty in forming that appropriate connection between them which would be essential to unity, and beauty of design; and, after all, it would be a mere suburb to the city. Besides, a thousand objects might, from time to time, call for the erection of new edifices, which could not at present be anticipated, without keeping vacant for years, at a great loss of interest to the government, and to the detriment of the city, large tracts of land in the best position, which, in the hands of individuals, would be built upon and improved. On the other hand, in a place that increased chiefly in proportion as the sphere of the executive departments was enlarged, the lots of ground would seldom be available to any individual before they were required for public purposes, and the cost to the government would be comparatively trifling, while there would be an opportuni * See Mr. Smith's remarks in debate, Gales & Seaton's Debates, O. S., vol. 2, ty to devise a plan expressly for the public accommodation, to which purpose every part of the city would be subservient. The whole should be, as it were, one great building, of which the streets would be the passages ; the public edifices, the halls; and the private ones, the rooms. It was, at one time, suggested as expedient to require a cession of soil, as well as of jurisdiction, under the idea that the State or States would find it an object to purchase the territory, and present it, for the sake of having the government in their midst; while, on the other hand, the income from the sales of lots, would furnish a fund for the erection of public edifices, and the improvement of the place; but this was pronounced out of the question with regard to places where any considerable popula tion had already collected; to all of which, Mr. Carroll's remarks in regard to Baltimore would apply. "He believed, if Congress were disposed to fix on that town, it would be agreeable to the States; but he did not imagine they would agree to give government a property to the whole town and the surrounding country. The other parts of the State had never contemplated making Baltimore a compensation for such an immense property." In selecting a place not previously occupied, the object of the government would be accomplished whether the States conveyed the soil or not, since the cost of the purchase would be comparatively small. Thirdly. With respect to position, while a central point should be preferred, "it ought to be a centre uniting convenience with utility; the heart should be so placed as to propel the blood to the extremities, with the most equable and gentle motion." There is no common centre. Territory has one centre, population another, and wealth a third. The centre of population is variable, and a decision on that point now, might establish a seat of government at a very inconvenient place for the next generation. The same remark may be made in this country with regard to territory. With the rapid increase of States, we should find it necessary to remove the capital every fifty years, unless we anticipated the future extent of our country by placing it where it would be, in the meantime, far beyond the centre of population and convenience. A centre of wealth is open to greater objections. The centre of a sea-coast line ought to be regarded because it is more conveniently accessible, has more wealth, and more people, than an equal area of inland country. Being more liable to invasion on that quarter, government should be near to protect it. It is also the interest of the back coun try to have the government near the sea, to inspect and encourage trade, by which their abundant produce will find an export. When the central line between the Northern and Southern extremities was fixed, no person in the Western territory had ever wished anything further than that Congress should establish their seat as far back on this line, as the conve nience of maritime commerce would allow. This centre of a sea-coast line falls between the rivers Potomac and Susquehanna; the place between the Potomac and Eastern Branch would admit of a navy-yard, and was yet so far inland as to be, in some measure, protected from sudden attack. The Potomac, Mill's Creek, and Younghogany, could be connected by canal navigation, and, descending the lat ter, you come to the Monongahela, which meets the Alleghany, and forms the Ohio. Its immediate vicinity to two flourishing inland towns would give it some of the benefits of their prosperity, without the evils before mentioned as incident to a large commercial emporium; since the inland trade would bring into them a different class of population from that which throngs our seaport towns-one accustomed to the institutions of the country, and more disposed to the preservation of good order. This, too, it was thought, would be a security against the place becoming slavishly dependent upon Congress, giving it a healthy trade, but not one which would supersede entirely the advantages derived from the presence of go vernment. Such were some of the considerations which led to the passage, by a vote of 32 to 29, on the 16th day of July, 1790, of an act entitled "An act establishing the temporary and permanent seat of government of the United States.' As we have only endeavored to set forth those reasons which were considered general and permanent in their application to the subject, we have not alluded to one topic, growing out of the politics of the day, which, it is well known, had an important effect in hastening a decision on the question. Under the then great object of funding the debt, the seat of government would concentrate the public paper; hence, a situation was desirable from which all parts would be equally benefited by sending forth and circulating government funds, rather than building up local benefits. "It was supposed," says Mr. Gibbs, "materially to benefit the Northern States, in which was the active capital of the country, and a more Southern residence was considered a countervailing advantage." This question infused peculiar bitterness into the debate. Another consideration which led to the decision, was the deference and regard which would thus be paid to the wishes of General Washington, who had, from the first, strongly advocated the site upon the Potomac, and who seems to have formed rather extravagant calculations in relation to the future growth of the city. Some of the opinions which he expresses in his letters, seem to conflict with the views we have given relative to the disadvantages of a commercial city; but it is to be borne in mind that it was chiefly a seaport to which those views have reference ; and we have, in this respect, relied mainly on the statements of gentlemen who lived at that time. ters. * * * In reviewing the debates on this subject, it is to be remarked that the growth of the Western country was anticipated, and depicted in glowing colors by some of the members of that day. "If," said Mr. Madison, "the calculation be just, that we double in twenty-five years, we shall speedily behold an astonishing mass of people on the Western waWe see the people moving from the more crowded to the less crowded parts. The swarm does not come from the Southern, but from the Northern and Eastern hives. This will continue to be the case until every part of America receives its due share of population. If there be any event upon which we may calculate with certainty, I take it that the centre of population will rapidly advance in a south-westerly direction. It must, then, travel from the Susquehanna, if it is now found there-it may even extend beyond the Potomac-but the time will be long first; and, as the Potomac is the great highway of communication between the Atlantic and the Western country, attempts to remove the seat must be impossible." "I confess," said Mr. Vining, "to the House and to the world, that, viewing this subject in all its circumstances, I am in favor of the Potomac. I wish the seat of government to be fixed there, because I think the interest, the honor, and the greatness of the country, require it. I look on it as the centre from which those streams are to flow, that are to animate and invigorate the body politic. From thence, it that the rays appears to me, of government will naturally diverge to the extremities of the Union. I declare that I look on the Western territory in awful and striking point of view. To that region the unpolished sons of earth are flowing from all quarters-men to whom the protection of the laws, and the controlling force of government, are equally necessary. From this consideration, I conclude that the banks of the Potomac is the proper situation." It is true that, at the time these remarks were made, the Union comprised but thirteen States; and, probably, no one anticipated that the number of States would double in fifty years, whatever might be the population. But, even at this time, we find that the East is to the West, in point of population, as the West is to the East in point of territory. The following table, which has been calculated by Dr. Paterson, of the United States mint, in Philadelphia, singularly confirms Mr. Madison's prophecy CENTRE OF REPRESENTATIVE POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES AT EACH CEnsus. Period. DISTANCES, IN MILES, FROM PLACES. { 1800 1810 1790 In Baltimore county, Maryland, 13 miles S. of Penn- 22 e. 51 1820 In the western part of Morgan county, Virginia, 10 CENTRE OF TOTAL POPULATION IN 1840. 1840 {In Harrison County, Virgins., 38 miles S. of Penny- 21 vania line, 5 miles due S. of Clarksburgh.............. 175 w. 177 Note. The parallel of 40° N. divides the representative population of the United States into two equal parts very nearly, according to the census of 1840. The average progress westward, during each ten years, has been about thirty-four miles. This average is slightly increasing; and, if we set it down at fifty miles, it will require a century to carry this centre five hundred miles west of Washington, or as far as the city of Nashville, Ten nessee. The comparatively small importance which was attached to "the centre of territory," as a criterion by which to select a capital, will strike many with surprise; and it is worthy of observation, that Mr. Madison, in presenting the importance of such a centre in what he thought the most prominent point of view, remarked that, "if it were possible to promulgate our laws by some instantaneous operation, it would be of less consequence where the government might be placed"-a contingency which now seems to be supplied by the "magic wires" of Morse, which communicate intelligence "not merely with the swiftness of lightning," but "by lightning itself." |