COMMERCIAL STATISTICS. Commerce of the Port of New York-Imports and Exports in 1846 and 1847.. Progress of the American Cheese Trade from 1834 to 1846....... Pennsylvania Canal Commerce-The Ohio Hog Trade........ COMMERCIAL REGULATIONS. Regulations for the Trade and Harbor of Macassar. Port Charges and Tariff of Porto Rico........ Tariff of Jamaica on the 20th September, 1847.. New Duties at Port Spain....... Trinidad Tariff and Tonnage Dues...... The Consular System of France..... ... . Railroad System of the United States-Miles completed in each year, and Capital invested.......... 98 Union Canal, Pennsylvania, Tons transported and Tolls received from 1828 to 1847................. South Carolina Railroad-Receipts, Expenditures, etc., in 1846.................... *** 99 100 Freight Tariff, including State Toll, on the line of Railroad between Albany, or Troy and Buffalo, for the Winter of 1847-8..... ....... 101 Missouri River-its Tributaries and its Steamboats...... ....... 102 Boston and Providence Railroad-Receipts, Expenditures, Income, and Dividends, from 1841 to 1846. 103 Wilmington and Raleigh Railroad-Receipts, Expenditures, Profits, etc.... 103 NAUTICAL INTELLIGENCE. Northern Approaches to the Port of Liverpool-Lighting, Beaconing, etc..... 104 List of Buoys placed on the Potomac River, under the Direction of the Superintendent of Lights.... 104 JOURNAL OF BANKING, CURRENCY AND FINANCE. A Law relating to Banking in New York, passed December 4, 1847.. Banks and Bank Directors: with Special Reference to the Dry-goods Trade.. Discovery of a Gold Mine in Michigan... Coinage of the United States Mint.............. JOURNAL OF MINING AND MANUFACTURES. Quicksilver Mines of Idria ....... Improved Manufacture of Metal Plates for Sheathing the Bottoms of Ships, etc... Passaic Mining Company.--New Loom for the Manufacture of Cotton... Silver Mine of the British North American Mining Company. . . . . . . . Schnebly's Rotary Steam-engine........................ Improvements in the Screw Winch.-American Chinaware Manufactory.--Copper Mines of Cuba.... 114 Metals and Ores of America. By Dr. T. C. JACKSON......... Politics and Political Economy, Extracts from a Discourse, by the Rev. WILLIAM HENRY CHANNING 116 Gundry and Bacon's Commercial Institute, of Cincinnati......... The Dry-goods Clerk....... Consular Regulations of the Republic of Uruguay-Philadelphia Board of Trade... 118 119 120 THE BOOK TRADE. Short Notices of 36 New Works, or New Editions...... 121-128 HUNT'S MERCHANTS' MAGAZINE. JANUARY, 1848. Art. 1-THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. CHAPTER I. VALSE IMPLESSIONS PREVAILING IN RELATION TO THE CITY OF WASHINGTON-MR. SOUTHARD'S REMARK, AND ITS APPLICATION-SESSIONS OF CONGRESS, WHERE HELD PRIOR TO 1790-article of THE CONSTI TUTEN PROVIDING FOR A SEAT OF GOVERNMENT DISCUSSIONS IN RELATION TO THE PLACE TO BE SELECTED DISADVANTAGES OF A COMMERCIAL CITY-PROPRIETY OF LAYING OUT A CITY EXPRESSLY FOX THIS PURPOSE-POSITION-INFLUENCE OF THE PROPOSITION FOR FUNDING STATE DEBTS-THE GROWTH OF THE WEST ANTICIPATED WHEN THIS QUESTION WAS DECIDED-DR. PATERSON'S CALCULATION-RECENT REMARKS OF SENATORS CALHOUN AND ALLEN ON “A CENTRE OF TERRITORY," AND INFLUENCE OF COMMERCIAL CITIES. NOTWITHSTANDING the number who annually visit Washington on business or pleasure, there are few who rightly understand the relation in which that city stands to the general government, or appreciate its importance as the only spot where it is practically seen that, for national purposes, we are but one people. There are, it is true, forts, arsenals, and navy-yards scattered over the country, in which all are interested equally, and which awaken our pride, as citizens of the great republic; but each of these is limited to some one object, and a sight of one is a sight of all. It is only at Washington that one sees a whole district of country laid ou expressly as a common centre of the nation, and a city planned sol with a view to the gratification of national pride, and for national con nience; the inhabitants of which are under the entire control of Congress, and deprived of the elective franchise, for the express purpose of removing them from the influence of party spirit, and enabling the government to perform its functions without embarrassment or restraint. Everything that beautifies or adorns it, or in any manner affects its prosperity, should interest, to almost as great a degree, the citizen of the most distant State as the resident on the spot; for there are few who do not, in the course of their lives, expect to reside there for a longer or shorter period. It is the fashion to speak of Washington as a place of extravagant pretensions, never to be realized; of magnificent distances, dusty streets, and poverty-stricken people, without reference to the circumstances under which this particular spot was selected for the seat of government, the objects contemplated in laying out a Federal eity, how far those objects have been accomplished, and to what extent any failure on this score is to be ascribed to the inefficient legislation of Congress. There are gross misstatements made every year by those who ought to know better, and the tendency of which is, not only to prejudice the interest of those who reside upon the spot, but, in our opinion, to foster a public sentiment which is calculated to work no small amount of injury to our institutions and country at large. It is that spirit which undervalues every place, however sacred its associations, if not accompanied with the bustle of commerce and manufactures; which confines itself to the present, or, if it looks into the future, only looks with business-like eyes; and which has, in a measure, broken up that feeling of patriotism and sentiment, which gathers around certain hallowed spots, and the cultivation of which, as in the case of popular songs and traditions, has, in every country, proved one of its greatest safeguards. We believe that the history of our seat of governmeat, when well known, is calculated to place the aspect of that city in a ne v light before the country. In one of his reports, the late Senator Southard spoke of it as the "only child of the nation ;" and the thoughtful visiter who stands on the terrace of the capitol, and looks upon the scene around him, instead of dwelling with contempt upon the scattered piles of brick and mortar, will, if we mistake not, in view of the circumstances under which it was brought into being, the honored names connected with its foundation, and its identity of interest with the Union, on which it is dependent for support, recognize the full force of the expression, and feel a corresponding interest in its present and future position. The subject, too, is fraught with matter of grave reflection to the statesman and philosopher, as illus trative of the influence exerted by a political capital, the principles on which one should be selected, and the expediency of any future change in our own country. It is, therefore, that we propose to present, as briefly as possible, an outline of the arguments which led to the act for establishing the present seat of government, a sketch of the site selected, and the plans adopted for carrying that act into effect, with a view of the present position and future prospects of the city, and the probability or expediency of any fu ture removal. The sessions of the old Congress were held, according as the exigencies of the war, or the convenience of members from different sections required, at Philadelphia, Baltimore, Lancaster, York, Princeton, Anna. polis, Trenton, and New York. During this time, there appears to have been great anxiety and rivalry amongst the different States, for the honor of having this distinguished body in their midst. New York tendered the town of Kingston for the seat of government; Rhode Island, Newport; Maryland, Annapolis; Virginia, Williamsburgh. On the 21st of October, 1783, Congress had been insulted at Philadel phia, by a band of mutineers, which the State authorities were not able to quell. On this occasion they adjourned to Princeton, where they held their sessions in the hall of the college; and it was probably owing to the recent disturbance, that the subject of a permanent seat of government was now taken up, and continued to be, at intervals, the subject of discussion up to the formation of the constitution. We have no register of the debates, but a large number of resolutions were offered, and votes taken. Two of the most prominent propositions will throw some light upon the views as to place and plan which were entertained at that time. On the 7th October, 1783, on motion of Mr. Gerry, it was resolved that buildings for the use of Congress be erected on or near the banks of the Delaware, or of the Potomac, near Georgetown; provided, a suitable district can be procured on one of the rivers aforesaid for a Federal town, that the right of soil, and an exclusive or such other jurisdiction as Congress may direct, shall be vested in the United States. This, afterwards, underwent various modifications, one of which was to have buildings erected both on the Potomac and Delaware, until, finally, it was repealed on the 26th April, 1784. On the 30th October following, Congress met at Trenton, and the subject was again taken up, and, after a long debate, resulted in the passage of an ordinance, appointing three commissioners with full power to lay out a district not exceeding three, nor less than two miles square, on the banks of either side of the Delaware, not more than eight miles above or below the falls thereof, for a Federal town. They were authorized to purchase soil, and enter into contracts for erecting and completing, in an elegant manner, a Federal house, President's house, and houses for the Secretaries of Foreign Affairs, War, Marine, and Treasury; that, in choosing the situation for the buildings, due regard be had to the accommodation of the States, with lots for houses for the use of their delegates respectively. At the Congress which met at New York, January 13, 1785, great but unsuccessful efforts were made to substitute the Potomac for the Delaware. The three commissioners were here appointed, but never entered upon their duties; for various delays occurred, until, finally, the adoption of the constitution put an end to the whole business. But the reasons which led to these resolutions, no doubt, had their influence upon the minds of those who framed that part of section 8, art. 1, of the constitution of the United States, which declares that Congress shall have power to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of government of the United States, and to make all laws which may be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers. By Elliott's Debates, it appears that the article was assented to in the convention, without debate. In the Virginia convention, some fears were expressed as to the influence to be exerted by a spot so exclusively under: the control of government, under the apprehension that it would b some measure out of the pale of law, and an asylum for political criminals or violators of State rights; but the clause was finally acceded to without much opposition. The question as to the place to be selected for the "ten miles square," came up for discussion in Congress during the years 178990, on the introduction of a resolution by Mr. Thomas Scott, of Pennsylvania, that it would be expedient to select a site which should be " near as possible the centre of wealth, of population, and of territory.” Mr. Lee afterwards moved that "a place as nearly central as a convenient communication with the Atlantic Ocean, and an easy access to the Western territory will permit, ought to be selected and established as the permanent seat of government of the United States." as On the 3d September, 1789, Mr. Goodhue, of Massachusetts, said, in debate, that the Eastern and Northern members had made up their minds on the subject, and were of opinion that, on the eastern banks of the Susquehanna, Congress should fix its permanent residence. A bill passed one House in favor of some place to be selected on the Susquehanna, provided the States of Maryland and Delaware would connect the two bays by a canal. Subsequently, an act was introduced for establishing it at its present position, then more generally known as Connogocheague, from a river in Washington county, Maryland, a name which called forth many jokes in the papers of the day. The place where the seat of government should be fixed, was allowed by every member to be a matter of great importance. "The future tranquillity and well-being of the United States," said Mr. Scott, "depended as much on this, as on any question that ever had or could come before Congress." Mr. Fisher Ames remarked that every principle of pride, and honor, and even of patriotism, were engaged." 66 The debates on the several resolutions and bills, elicited much warmth of feeling, and sectional jealousy. Almost all were agreed that New York was not a suitable place, as not being sufficiently central. There was much division of sentiment as to the relative advantages of Philadelphia and Germantown, in Pennsylvania; Havre de Grace, and a place called Wright's Ferry, on the Susquehanna; Baltimore, on the Patapsco; and Connogocheague, on the Potomac. The two last were about equally balanced for some time in the number of supporters. It was remarked, by one of the members of Maryland, that the people of that State were in the situ ation of Tantalus, uncertain which to prefer, the Susquehanna or the Potomac. Mr. Carroll strongly advocated the latter. Mr. Seney noticed sundry measures of the legislature of Maryland, which evinced, he said, their determination to support the pretensions of the Susquehanna. Mr. Smith set forth the advantages of Baltimore, and the fact that its citizens had subscribed $40,000 for public buildings. The South Carolinians offered an apparently whimsical objection to Philadelphia, to wit: the number o. Quakers; who, they said, were eternally dogging the southern members with their schemes of emancipation. Others ridiculed the idea of building palaces in the woods. Mr. Gerry, of Massachusetts, thought it highly unreasonable to fix the seat of government in such a position, as to have nine States out of the thirteen to the northward of the place, and adverted to the sacrifices the Northern States were ready to make, in be ing willing to go as far South as Baltimore. Mr. Page said New York superior to any place he knew, for the orderly and decent behavior of inhabitants. The motion to insert Baltimore instead of the Potomac, was negatived by a vote of 37 to 23. We shall at present content ourselves with stating what we have gath ered from these debates, from letters and documents, and from conversations with gentlemen who lived in that day, as to the principles laid down by General Washington, Mr. Madison, Mr. Lee, Mr. Carroll, and others, who favored the site that was selected. First. It was not desirable that the political capital should be in a commercial metropolis.* The constitution declared that Congress should have * See Mr. Madison's letter-Sparks' Washington, vol. 9, p. 551. Mr. Gerry's remarks -Mad. Papers, p. 1,219. Mr. Grayson's remarks--Elliott's Debates in Virg. Convention, p. 431. |