these volumes. They are written with considerable ability, and display an intimate acquaintance with the character and events of the period to which they relate. The appearances of effort are too obvious in the style, and the description of character and incident is occasionally marked by something of exaggeration. We are compelled to differ from the author in his estimate of the latter part of Cromwell's career, but the spirit of the work is so incomparably superior to what we have been accustomed to meet with, that we are not disposed to enter into controversy with the writer. The return of Ardenne just in time to wait beside the dying bed of the Protector, and his renunciation of the suspicions which had led him to abandon his services some years before, appear to us the most unnatural part of the narrative. Violence is done to the sagacity of Ardenne in order to bear out the author's theory of Cromwell's character. The minor plot of the work, which is based on the mutual attachment of Edgar Ardenne and his beautiful cousin Sybil, occupies but a small portion of the volumes, and serves to relieve the narrative of more important public events. The character of the father is well drawn. His loyalty is of the unreflecting and hereditary order common to the cavaliers of his day, and his cruelty towards Edgar is ably balanced by the hearty repentance of his deathbed. We could have wished that Sybil had been permitted to share in the calm joys and brightening fortunes of her lover, but authors, like critics, must have their way in such matters.

Art. VI. 1. Slavery and the Internal Slave Trade in the United States of North America: being Replies to Questions transmitted by the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society for the Abolition of Slavery and the Slave Trade throughout the World. Presented to the General Anti-Slavery Convention held in London, June, 1840. By the Executive Committee of the American Anti-slavery Society. London: 1841.

2. American Slavery as it is: Testimony of a Thousand Witnesses. New York: 1839. Published by the American Anti-slavery Society.

IF

F there were, there ought not to be, and we trust there is not, anything merely enthusiastic in the anti-slavery cause. Neither the feeling generated nor the effort engaged by this great object, should be of the nature of a temporary and evanescent ebullition. The appeal which it makes is not only to the deepest sympathies, but to the strongest moral principles of

our nature; and it can be satisfied with nothing short of an unalterable resolution and indefatigable action. We cannot dictate to divine providence, and say that slavery and the slavetrade shall be exterminated; but we must declare for ourselves that we will never cease to strive for their extermination. If the object is not to be effected-and we know it is not-by a single effort, we must return to it many times; for it can never be abandoned. Not only do we wish ourselves to feel this, but we wish slave-traders and slave-holders to know it; lest they should suppose that abolitionism is a mere fit of sentiment that will exhaust itself, and leave them, after a temporary disturbance, in quiet perpetration of their atrocities and pursuit of their gains.

In accordance with the principle we have laid down, we devote the present article to that stubborn and ferocious form of slavery which exists in the United States. A more complete portraiture of it than has ever before appeared is presented in the works which lie on our table; and we shall endeavor to make such selections from them as will exhibit its principal features. The duty will be painful to ourselves, and will afford little pleasure to our readers; least of all will it be agreeable to our trans-atlantic neighbors: but we must perform our duty, and we shall hope for beneficial, if not pleasurable results.

To begin with some account of the works before us. The first and most considerable is published by the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-slavery Society. It originated in the following manner. That body, in anticipation of the General Anti-slavery Convention, issued queries in various directions, with the view of obtaining enlarged information; and among these was a series addressed to the Committee of the American Anti-slavery Society. The answers returned were deemed, and we think justly, worthy of publication, and they constitute the first volume on our list. It does not, of course, consist altogether of original matter, but avails itself freely of statements already published; many new facts, however, and much original matter are added, and the whole is thrown into a new arrangement. The caution, fidelity, and temper with which it is executed are altogether admirable. It is better fitted than any volume which has yet issued from the press to convey to English readers a knowledge of the entire subject; and should be perused by all who wish to become thoroughly acquainted with it.

American Slavery as it is was published by the Committee of the American Anti-slavery Society in 1839. It is a condensed statement of facts, on authorities which in all cases are given, tending to show that slavery in America is not the Elysium which southerners have declared it to be, but fearfully the

reverse. It is adapted particularly to readers in the United States, and has had, we rejoice to know, a powerful effect in dissipating the delusions long prevalent there on this melancholy subject. It is compiled with the most rigorous scrupulosity; and the statements contained in it are at once so well authenticated and so numerous, as to establish, beyond doubt or challenge, the general character of the slave-system. It is the most elaborate and irrefragable piece of demonstration of its class which the world ever saw. Although its documentary character, multitudinous references, and very close print, make it somewhat heavy reading, it is invaluable as a treasury of facts and a book of authentic reference.

From this brief notice of the works on our table, we proceed to the more immediate purpose of the present article. Towards the close of the volume published by the British and Foreign Anti-slavery Society, we find an interesting passage relating to 'the rise and progress of the pro-slavery spirit in the United 'States.'

"The predominant feeling in this country at the establishment of our independence, and for some time afterwards, was, as we have already shown, unquestionably favorable to universal liberty. The countenance of slavery in the union, at the time of its formation, seems inconsistent with this supposition; but facts innumerable demonstrate that to have been a misjudged measure of temporary policy, rather than the result of a deliberate purpose to establish slavery as a permanent system. True, it was both a blunder and an enormity; but that it proceeded from a wish to perpetuate slavery is contradicted by the entire history of the times and of the men. Such might have been the motive with some of the southern delegation, but we have the clearest evidence that it was only a small portion, even of them, who were prompted by such considerations. The tolerance of slavery as a temporary system was an expedient to conciliate and secure immediate adherence to the union; while in all the states it was conceded, that, from the time specified in the constitution of the United States for the abolition of the African slave-trade (1808), slavery itself would rapidly tend to extinction. Ardent attachment to liberty and sympathy for all who were oppressed, which were strong feelings of the rising nation, it was confidently anticipated would speedily sweep away the last vestige of American bondage. To the natural, and, as it was believed, the certain operation of these sentiments, the extinction of slavery was too securely committed. Had any other result been anticipated, it would have found no tolerance with a large majority of the founders of our government.

'A strong anti-slavery feeling pervaded at that period the various denominations of Christians. Slavery was then the common mark for denunciation. No one feared, as now most do, to launch the bolts of truth against it. Statesmen could utter their abhorrence of it boldly, without fear of losing office. Ministers could direct against it the

artillery of inspiration without incurring dismission. Editors could wield the influence of the press against it without forfeiting their lives or their living. Even in slave states, slavery could be held up to public execration without calling down the inflictions of lynch law.

'Numerous associations were formed, both in the free and slave states, styled Abolition Societies, and expressly avowing as their object the extinction of slavery.

'Of one of these societies, formed in the state of New York, the Hon. John Jay was first president; and of another, in Pennsylvania, Benjamin Franklin was first president. These societies proposed only a gradual abolition of slavery. Immediatism was not then dreamed of. But, as it was, these early associations had a remote influence in effecting the abolition of slavery in the northern states. We say a remote influence, because it is well understood that the abolition in those states was dictated in the main by mere state policy. The discussions of natural rights which preceded the revolutionary war, contributed in the first place to arouse public attention to the subject of slavery. This gave rise to abolition societies and publications, by which a public sentiment, to some extent previously formed, was greatly strengthened. The conviction that slavery is a sin obtained to a considerable extent; the conviction that it was a burthen and a curse became in the free states nearly universal.

In view of the strong repugnance to slavery which pervaded our government in its infancy, the inquiry is very naturally suggestedwhat could so soon have given rise to a marked partiality for it, which has gathered strength ever since, and threatens to extinguish in Americans all love of liberty and law. What could have so completely revolutionized the national sentiments, that a system which was first regarded with jealousy, and tolerated only on the supposition that it must soon die of itself, should in a few years become the paramount national interest?

We will glance at some of the causes which have produced this humiliating change, by which our nation has been struck down from its sublime attitude as the asserter of human rights, and degraded into a champion of oppression in its foulest form.

1. The first great cause has been the increasing profitableness of slavery.

For a time, the products of slave labor constituted a comparatively small item in the national wealth, and slavery was correspondingly unimportant. But gradually the cotton and sugar cultivation, especially the former, became the commanding interests of the land. The south was growing rich apace, and the north, with characteristic eagerness for gain, entered by every crevice through which she could thrust herself, and began the scramble for gold. Her manufactories, her various mechanical trades, and her commerce, entered the alliance. Her adventurous sons, from the shrewd lawyer to the shrewder pedlar, with his notions,' rushed southward. Her fair daughters, in alarming numbers, began to discover that their native climate was too severe for their lungs, and that nothing could rescue them from untimely graves but a residence in the sunny south. The south soon became the centre

of attraction to the whole union. Her estates were the most splendid, her cultivation the most lucrative, her manners the most fascinating, and her hospitalities the most princely. Of all these attractions slavery was seen to be the basis. This gave to the south her resources, her leisure, her polished courtliness, and open-handed generosity. This made her a land of princes, and a school of Chesterfields. It was very natural to transfer the admiration from the effects to the cause; hence slavery came to be regarded, by the south herself and by all her admirers, as an institution most important and indispensable. It could no longer be viewed in the light of its intrinsic attributes, but was contemplated through the medium of the magnificent ends which it subserved. It ceased to be beheld as the vortex of the slaves' rights, interests, and hopes, and was seen only as the full fountain out-pouring its golden sands at the master's feet.

2. Long familiarity with slavery, also, very naturally begat forbearance for it, and forbearance as naturally ripened into friendship.

4. Various circumstances contributed to make the master the object of sympathy, and the slave the victim of contempt and detestation.

'The master was white-the slave black; the master was elevated -the slave degraded; the master was an equal-the slave an inferior; the master was a fellow-countryman, a friend, a relative, a' Christian' -the slave was a stranger, a suspected foe, a barbarian. Besides, the master was such by a sort of necessity, and could not get rid of his slaves without evil to them, and peril to himself and his country; therefore his holding them was esteemed both patriotic and humane. Such was the verdict of public sentiment. Sympathy was thus entirely misplaced; while it should have been operating to shield the helpless against the strong, it was weaving sophistical defences for the oppressor. This monstrous perversion of sympathy sealed the fate of the slave, almost beyond redemption.

5. We must not omit to notice the agency of the Colonization Society in extending the influence of slavery.

The society was an imposing one. It numbered among its officers, advocates, and members, nearly all the ministers, churches, presses, statesmen, judges, professional men, philanthropists, and men of wealth in all parts of the land. It had its head quarters at Washington city, and its auxiliaries in nearly every state capitol, with minor branches in almost every county. It claimed, withal, to be a religious institution, an organized missionary society for the christianization of Africa. For a society of such pretensions and such patronage to endorse the system of slavery at least to assert its present rightfulness, was reason enough, were there no other, for its growth and stability. This was a

far more effectual support to slavery than if the clergy or the church as a body had sanctioned it, or than if it had obtained the full concurrence of congress, the judiciary, or the executive ;-for the society combined the sanction of all these, and of every other class, rank, and condition in the community.

6. The last cause which we shall mention of the rapid increase of slavery, was the proscription on all discussion of its merits.