cease now on the contrary, that demand | already; he could only say, that neither would increase, and then our warehouses in Trinidad, nor any other island ought would find a vent; so that the glut ap- there to be an unlimited importation of prehended would be done away. Then, negroes. He might be asked, what reshe would ask the House, if it was true trictions he had in view? to which he that, in the present state of the world, an would answer, not such as were applicable increased supply of all markets with West to Trinidad alone, but that the true policy India produce was to be produced only of this country extended to a consideraby British capital and enterprise, whether tion of all the islands. He entertained a it would be wise to adopt this motion now hope, that the subject of the slave trade or whether it was likely to contribute to would be taken up in the course of the the gradual abolition of the slave trade, next session, and considered deliberately to enter into this premature check upon the upon the principle of a gradual abolition cultivation of Trinidad? With a view to of that traffic; but this he wished to be the gradual abolition of the slave trade, preceded by an inquiry instituted by that the only view in which he could support House. The right hon. gentleman had it, this measure would actually do no- stated, that Trinidad, for the purpose of thing. He objected to the application of keeping it in a state of cultivation, would any principle for the gradual abolition require an importation of 250,000 negroes. of the African slave trade, that did not Now, according to the best information apply itself to the whole of the West India received by his majesty's government, islands. The right hon. gentleman wished such an importation would by no means that means should be adopted for the in- be the effect of countenancing the princicrease of the population of whites and ple against which the right hon. gentlecreoles in the West Indies. Was it pos- man had spoken. With half the number sible to accomplish this object by the pre- of hands, the cultivated produce of that sent proposition? Would there not be island was double that of any other; in great difficulties in making arrangements Trinidad, the labour of forty negroes was for those who had been fixed a great while more than equal to that of 100 in any other at Trinidad, and those who might recently island, except Jamaica. The description have arrived there? Besides, negroes which he had received of the peculiar might be brought to Trinidad from Bar- advantages of the island of Trinidad had badoes, St. Vincent, Montserrat, or other rendered the matter particularly interestplaces; and it would be impossible to dis- ing; so much so, that his majesty's gotinguish between them and those who vernment had determined, some time might have been on the island previous to since to send out a commission for the their importation. But there was another purpose of making a minute survey. This objection to the proposition; the effect of task had devolved on men of great talents it would be to call for negroes from the and enlightened minds; and whose opidifferent West India islands to Trinidad; nion, after they had enriched their minds because, without their assistance, it would with the information which they now be impossible to carry on the necessary looked for would be extremely valuable. trade there; and it would create a chasm They were to make their report upon the in those islands, which could not be sup- subject, and by that report his majesty's plied but by means of fresh impertations government would be considerably guidfrom Africa; therefore, the discourage- ed. ment of importations to Trinidad alone would not answer the purpose in view; for, unless we could discourage importation into all the islands, it was useless to prohibit it in one. What security was there that the chasm which would be created by bringing negroes from other islands into Trinidad, would not be supplied by fresh importations into such islands. It might be asked, whether, according to the view which he entertained of this subject, he should wish to promote an importation of negroes into Trinidad? He hoped he had answered that question

No grants had been made up to the period when the last accounts were laid before the House. Positive orders had been sent by government, that no new grants or sales of land in Trinidad should take place without further authority. He hoped that every public encouragement would be given to the population of the whites and creoles; and he could add, that it was the determination of ministers to advise his majesty not to make any grants of land, except for the purpose of providing the means to which he had alluded, until after the report of the commissioners. He could not

West India colonies, that the slave trade should be increased instead of being abolished.

be expected to pledge himself to lay be- | fore the House any plan upon this subject as arising out of the report of the commissioners; but he pledged himself, either to lay before the House his ideas upon the subject, or, what he should like much better, to concur with some other person in bringing the subject before the House. In the hope, that none of the evils which the right hon. gentleman apprehended would arise from a short delay he should conclude with moving the previous question.

Mr. Wilberforce observed, that he was satisfied with the personal declaration of the chancellor of the exchequer, believing that he was sincere, and anxious to act up to his professions. Nevertheless, he could not be very sanguine when he considered what had formerly taken place in the House, or even remembered the conduct of the right hon. gentleman himself. The fairest prospects had been held out, and they had ended in nothing. The evil existed now in a greater degree than ever, and daily gained ground. He thought that some steps ought to be instantly taken to prevent the increased importation of negroes into the islands. The effect of threatening to abridge the traffic necessarily quickened it. The British importation of slaves had been much greater during the last three years, than at any former period. The insinuation thrown out, that he had seen with unconcern the

islands, was void of all foundation. He had bewailed the circumstance with the utmost bitterness. He was opinion that our government ought immediately to enter into a negotiation with foreign powers for the abolition of the slave trade. He should bring the subject before the House during the present session.

The previous question was then put and carried.

Mr. Canning said:-If, Sir, the right hon. gentleman had contented himself with making only the latter half of his speech, I should cheerfully have consented to withdraw my motion; because, in the pledges and assurances of the intentions of himself and his colleagues, he has not only given me all that my motion asks, but more. I understand from him, not only that no grants or sales of land shall be made in Trinidad (except such as the address, which I had the honour to propose to you itself excepted), until parlia-immense trade in slaves to the conquered ment shall have had an opportunity of considering the subject, but that there is a fixed and serious determination on the part of the executive government, to revise and discuss fully, with the view to a final settlement, the whole of that great moral and political question, which has for twelve years been discussed in this House to so little purpose. With the hopes that are now held out to me of this attention being speedily given to the subject, and having the solemn word of the right hon. gentleman that the object of my motion shall be answered, I am not desirous of pressing it to a division. For the same reason I will not make any of those comments on the first part of the right hon. gentleman's speech, which I think it deserves, I will only observe, that if my motion has had the effect of producing the public declarations and pledges which we have just heard from the right hon. gentleman, I conceive it to have been highly beneficial. I cannot think it so ill-judged or ill-timed as he has endeavoured to represent it. And the right hon. gentleman must excuse me for saying, that it is in consequence of some insinuations and misrepresentations in that speech that I feel it necessary to persist in desiring that the address may be recorded on the Journals.

General Gascoyne contended, that it was necessary, for the support of our [VOL. XXXVI.]

Debate in the Commons on the Clergy Residence Bill.] May 31. The order of the day being read for the House to go into the consideration of the report of the Clergy Residence bill, sir W. Scott moved the recommitment.

Mr. Simeon opposed the principle of the bill. Its grand scope and operation went, not merely to abrogate the salutary statute of Henry Sth, but, on the ruins of that act, to erect a new code of ecclesiastical law, of the most dangerous nature, inasmuch as it went to place an unconstitutional power in the hands of the bishops. The power proposed to be vested in the bishop of the diocese, of granting a dispensation from residence, had a tendency to place all the clergy under the control of the prelacy, and thereby virtually to render them the instruments of the crown. Whatever practical good could possibly result from the dispensation of residence was to be obtained by the existing cano[3 L]

In

nical law, without any appeal to the bishop, | House should not take a partial glance, which only rendered the inferior orders of but open its eyes to both sides of the the clergy dependent upon the diocesan. question. One case, and but one, among The difference in the value of money in all the instances which had occurred, the reign of Henry 8th and at the present carried with it the appearance of hardperiod, might render an alteration of the ship, and that was the case of the rector penalties enacted for non-residence neces- of Bow church; but this he could not sary; but surely this could not constitute help considering, with all deference to the a reason why the law itself should be judgment of the eminent person who abrogated. The difference in the value tried the cause, as a misapprehension of of money rather made in favour of the the law. He begged he might not be continuance of the bill, as the penalty, in misconstrued, as putting his judgment its operation, was so much the lighter, in against that of the noble lord who preproportion as the value of money had sided on that occasion; a more intelligent, decreased. The original aim of the statute upright, and enlightened mind never was, to get rid of the corruption intro- graced the bench. But still he was of duced by the lavish accumulation of plu- opinion, that had the question been argued, ralities granted by the pope. In those in the House of Lords, where it would days, it was no uncommon thing for one have undergone more minute and laboured clergyman to hold fifteen or sixteen dif- discussion, a different verdict would have ferent livings; nine livings were reckoned been returned. The law provided penala mere trifle. The non-resident acts were ties against wilful, but not unavoidable therefore passed, as a corrective against neglect of residence; and surely, where the evil of pluralities. And in this view, the parsonage-house was proved to be in order that the evil might be more unfit for residence, the clergy could not strenuously combated, the bishop himself be deemed, in law and equity, obnoxious was liable to be suspended from his func- to the penalties of non-residence. tion, if he did not strictly enforce resi- Watson's Reports, it was expressly laid dence in his diocese; the canon law, down, that in such case the clergyman therefore, as it at present stood, was com- would be indemnified from any penalty. petent to every salutary purpose; and he He could never give his assent to a mingsaw no reason why it should be taken out ling of the sacerdotal and secular characof the hands of the law, and placed in ter. Nothing could tend more effectually those of the hierarchy. The House, if to degrade the ministerial function. At they agreed to the power of dispensation, the same time, he wished to be understood would be legislating in the dark; and, by as not combating the limited right of farmthe passing of such an act, would give to ing, as far as was necessary to the support the bishops a new and excessive political and comfort of the clergyman's household. influence, which, in its operations, might But he saw no reason why any new law materially endanger the government of should pass on this head, as the existing the country. Great stress had been laid laws made ample provision for the cultivaon the number of informations preferred tion of the parsonage glebe, with the liagainst different clergymen within the berty of taking more land into cultivation, last twelvemonth; and much declamation if the necessities of the clergyman's housethrown away on the character and con- hold required it. But, beyond this, he duct of a certain person, who had recently could not agree to the doctrine of a clerstarted as a kind of reformer against the gyman meddling with secular pursuits. neglect and remissness of the clergy. By his ordination vow, he was expressly reHe was ready to admit the fact; but what stircted from engaging in mundane occupa did it prove? That the evil itself was tions, in order that he might the more assi prodigiously great and frequent, and that duously devote himself to the duties of his proportionably great and strong must be calling. What more could any man dethe remedy. Numerous as were the in- sire? Did they wish to see the clergy stances of informations lately laid by that transformed into farmers; the parsonageperson, he had not heard of a single one house into a magazine; and corn, turnips, in which the penalty had been made the and potatoes, retailed by the minister of instrument of oppression: on the con- the parish, instead of the pure and wholetrary, it was to be regarded merely as the some milk of the gospel? Was there a enforcer of the existing law. If, then, man in that House, who would wish to sepenalties were found to be necessary, the cularise the clergy to such an extent as 8

that? He wished the question, therefore, I had become a ground of complaint, and to stand on its true and proper basis, that had been made an instrument of oppresof residence. As the House had proved sion. To effectuate this purpose, his right itself jealous of its rights, and had recently hon. friend had framed a bill. The measure come to a determination, that no clergy- had been called for by the House; and the man could hold a seat in that House, and question was, whether the House would superintend the concerns and interests not now entertain it? He apprehended, of the inferior orders of the clergy, he that, nothing short of a radical objection to thought it incumbent upon them to be the whole of the principle of the measure careful that they did not put the inferior could be an adequate inducement for votclergy too much in the power of the bi- ing against the motion. He knew it to shops, and subject them to a degrading be matter of regret with his right hon. and influence. It was one thing to have the learned friend who brought forward this liberty of doing a thing as a matter of measure, that he had not yet had an opright, and another to have the permission portunity of bringing forward a measure as a matter of courtesy. The existing for the improvement of the condition of laws of the country, were fully competent the inferior clergy. As to any pecuniary to the correction of abuses. Why could grants that could be made to them, he benot the enforcement of those laws be left lieved there never was any thing applied to a jury, without throwing additional in- by parliament more worthily than that fluence into the hands of the bishops, by would be. Taking the clergy as a body giving them the option of dispensation? their conduct was such as called for the With such a law as this before his eyes, esteem of the country. This was a matter no man would educate his son for the of great importance to the society in which church. He wished to see the church we lived; and when this object was gained, firmly established upon the true basis of we should then have gained a lasting seits original principles; and, therefore, he curity for our general happiness; but deplored the fate of those clergy who had without that, he was convinced it would to contend with all those sensations which be impossible for our prosperity to be enlightened minds must feel from their lasting. He felt this opinion so forcibly, humiliated and impoverished state. His that he would say, great as our wealth heart was rent whenever he reflected on was at the present hour, great as our the assertions of the learned civilian (sir prosperity was as a nation, splendid as W. Scott), that out of 11,000 benefices, our military and naval glory had been, no less than 5,000 produced not more much as distinguished men had spread than 50l. a-year. As often, then, as he our fame, yet, unless we had a clergy posadverted to this afflicting consideration, it sessed of competence, and superior to was not the non-residence of the clergy pecuniary wants and the inconvenienthat penetrated his mind, but the neglect cies of indigence, the whole of our sucthat these deserving persons suffered, and cesses and triumphs would, in time, be the effect which that must have on society. trodden under foot, and it would be in In his opinion, government should apply vain for us to look for a long period of 40,000l. or 50,000l. yearly in aid of queen happiness. He approved of the bill as Anne's bounty, to be divided among these far as it went. He wished the provision, deserving but neglected people. He was with regard to the clergy, extended farnot sure of success in the opposition he ther than this bill professed to go. Future had given to the bill; but he should be provisions might embrace considerations consoled with the reflection, that he had of increasing places of public worship, as performed his conscientious duty to the well as increasing the salaries of some of utmost of his ability. the ministers of that worship. He hoped the House would go into the committee, and see what could be done with the bill.

Mr. Chancellor Addington said, that the attention of the House was not so much called to compel the residence of the clergy, as to prevent them from being persecuted by informers. Numerous discussions had taken place, as to the best method of doing this; and the House at length agreed to suspend the existing law, until a system could be formed for effectually regulating those proceedings which

Mr. M. A. Taylor said, he could not vote for going into the committee. He thought that some further provision should be made for the clergy. This, however, formed no part of the bill; and he could not consent to take from juries what had been in their hands for so long a period, and give the power which they

8th.

exercised wholly to the bishops. The not worth while, after witnessing its consepresent measure was not an amendment quences, to try whether they could not of the statute of Henry 8th, but a com- go on without it? Even supposing that plete repeal of it. He well knew that suing for penalties in a court of law, to many of the bishops were pious and ex- enforce residence was an efficacious mode, cellent men; but it was not merely to the yet it certainly was degrading. The obpresent, but to future bishops, that this ject of the bill was to try whether the power was to be given; and to no set of discipline of the church could be carried them would he consent to give the power on by means of the constitution of the which was conferred upon them by the church. If it failed, they had it in their present bill. Why were not twelve jury-power to go back to the statute of Henry men as good judges whether an action ought to be maintained against a clergyman or not? Another ground of complaint against the statute of Henry 8th, was, that the penalty was not equal, it being the same upon clergymen possessing livings of 3,000l. and those of 100l. a year. To this a remedy might be applied; but if the bishop was to give a licence for non-residence, there was an end of the action. If these objects were to be remedied, why not bring in a bill to amend that act? He would admit that ordination, and various other ecclesiastical functions, ought to be placed under the control of the bishops; but did it follow, that the residence of the clergy should also be under their control? Who paid the clergy? The laity. If the bishop was to have the control over residence, it amounted to this, that the bishop was to decide whether a parish which paid 500l. a-year to a minister was to have one or not. He believed the bill was very unpopular amongst the clergy; they would rather the statute of Henry 8th should be amended, than be compelled to go to a bishop for a licence for non-resi

dence.

The Master of the Rolls said, that no law could be so badly executed as that which was in the hands of common informers, The object was to take from them that discretion which they had abused, and to place it in the hands of those to whom it properly belonged, the venerable prelates. It was said, that the statutes had existed for two centuries and a half. He was as little disposed as any man to place untried theory, in competition with laws and customs of which they had experienced the benefit; but although the statute of Henry 8th had existed so long, they had not had above ten years experience of its effects; and when enforced it had only been so through the will and pleasure of a common informer. He could have no objection to substitute something instead of it; but was it

The Attorney General wished the bill to go into a committee, that the clauses might be altered. If it came out of the committee in the same form as it went into it, he certainly should oppose it. It had been said, that many cases of great hardship had arisen in consequence of the power given to the common informer by the statute of Henry Sth, but he believed there was more clamour made upon this subject than the occasion warranted. It had been said, that the act of Henry 8th, even if enforced, would only compel the clergyman to reside upon his living; that it would not compel him to a faithful performance of the duties of his function; but this was only saying that the act did not do that which it never professed to do. The act professed to enforce residence, and no more. But gentlemen argued as if the act of Henry 8th took away the superintending power of the bishops over the residence and conduct of the clergy; it did no such thing. It would not be denied, that, the bishops had now by law the power of enforcing the residence of the clergy upon their livings; but it might be urged that the means by which the bishop could enforce residence were troublesome and expensive, and therefore could not be had recourse to. It was also to be observed, that the means of compelling residence under the act of Henry 8th was expensive to the common informer because there were no costs.

Mr. Windham said, that the object of this bill was partly to regulate the statute of Henry 8th by certain provisions. Now, he should have liked it better if it had tended to repeal that statute. Discretion was inseparable from all law. Now the discretion here was given to the bishops, and it was to operate on the inferior clergy: this was a discretion the least to be objected to, since it was in the nature of the discretion of a parent over his child. He therefore thought the discretion properly directed; and that the church