should have a compensation, without providing in what it should consist, or when, or where, or by whom, it was meant to be made. As to its adherents, they were not even alluded to, but seemed to be considered as unworthy of notice, while we saw France stipulating for the security of every Jacobin, in all the nations of Europe, and claiming and obtaining from this country a traitor (Napper Tandy), who appeared in hostile and rebellious arms in Ireland. All these were consequences of the improper construction of those who were to conduct the negotia. tions at Amiens. France introduced the plenipotentiaries of its two allies into the congress, while those of Portugal and Naples were excluded; probably because they were interested in the result, but more probably because they were the friends and allies of England. By these means it happened, that while lord Cornwallis was putting his signature to the peace, containing. the condition of an indemnity to the house of Nassau, the French and Dutch ministers were, without his knowledge and consent, drawing up an agree ment at the other end of the table, stipulating that the compensation should not be made at the expense of what was now called the Batavian republic-an act of perfidy and duplicity which he must reprobate in the strongest language. Speaking of the stipulation for each country paying the debts of the prisoners taken on either side, he animadverted on the provisions which included the foreign troops taken while in the pay of each nation. Even in this article so much a matter of form all the advantage was on the side of France. A number of Russian troops had been taken at a time, when they were at our disposal, which in consequence of different political arrangements were aftewards clothed armed and regimented at Brussels, for the purpose of being employed to attack this country. He thought nothing could be more humiliating in us than to be obliged to defray expenses incurred for such a purpose. The Cape of Good Hope according to the preliminaries, was to have been de clared a free port, and now reverted in full sovereignty to the Batavian republic. This, in time of war, would make it completely a French port, supposing even that the condition of its being open to the ships of war of the other contracting parties should be complied with. We know the French system in this kind of territory which it lost, which was of little value in itself, deeply affected the interests of Great Britain, as it left for ever imprinted in the minds of the Portuguese people, that the guarantee and protection of England were not to be relied on. The treaty alluded to also put it out of the power of Portugal any longer to carry the commercial treaty into effect. He would not for the present speak of the value of that treaty to this country, but observe that it was such, in the opinion of Portugal, that, for its maintenance, that country at one period of the war put its very existence to the hazard. If such was the care we took of them in Europe, still less did we protect their possessions in the Indies. By the treaty of Amiens, the boundaries of France in Guiana were circumscribed to the course of the river Ariwari; but this gave the French an entire command of the Amazon river at its source, the command below of the whole Portuguese trade, and the command equally, in time of war, of our Indian navigation. The next object of attention, in regard to British faith, was, the condition of a family, with its adherents, to which we were bound by every tie of friendship and alliance, who were now wandering in foreign parts as exiles, and uncertain of being ever enabled to return to their native country: he alluded to the house of Orange. The interests of that illustrious family were entirely neglected in the preliminaries; and he believed, however desirous they might be of peace, the preliminaries would never have been approved of, if ministers had not declared that the honour and good faith of this country required that a compensation should be made to the prince of Orange. His lordship then enumerated the various kinds of property which the house of Orange heretofore possessed in Holland. He denied that the house of Orange had been elevated by the republic of the United Provinces, which, on the other hand, was itself erected by that House, whose princes held great possessions, not indeed in full sovereignty, nor much short of it, long before the republic started into existence. The dignities of the house of Orange, it was true, had not been formerly recognized by the old government of France; but that was no reason why we should now consent to sink their title into the branch of the house of Nassau, estabblished in the republic of the United Provinces, and only stipulate that it neutrality to be, that ships of war, of an equal number from each country, should be admitted at the same time. Supposing then, that number to be two each; for two English men of war, the French, Spanish, and Batavian allies, would have six, which would oblige us, at the expense of 25 or 30 ships of the line, either to keep up a great fleet in those seas, or to send convoys with every trading fleet; and every regiment, outward or homeward must be escorted by a force equal to cope with the allies, and to prevent them from attacking our possessions in Hindostan. With regard to Malta, which some considered as not inferior in consequence to the Cape, we were led from the preliminaries to believe that it would be placed under the protection of some power capable of preserving it from the ambitious views of France: this power was probably meant to be Russia, whose weight and influence in Europe might probably have accomplished that end, and the more easily as it had the means of supplying at all times a sufficient force for its defence. This the court of Russia perhaps would not consent to, and the definitive treaty placed it completely under the influence of France. The knights for the future would be wholly unable to maintain it. Their order was partly military and partly religious, and composed entirely of Maltese nobles, who would rather undergo any hardship than associate with that Democratic langue which this treaty proposed, but most probably never could succeed in establishing. The revenues for their support were heretofore supplied from most of the other countries of Europe. These countries had their distinct langues, supported by benefices which could only be held by the knights, whose profession was honourable in their youth, and promised to reward them with considerable possessions when advanced to more mature years. At present, almost all these incentives were gone. The revenues were confiscated in France, on the left bank of the Rhine, and in Bavaria, which contained the richest possessions of the order. Something indeed would remain in Naples, as long as Naples continued any way independent. Something was also left them, the ecclesiastical states; but this, as well as the rest, was held by a very precarious tenure. The revenues of the island itself, partly territorial and partly commercial, were appropriated partly to maintain the splendor of the grand master, which could not be dispensed with; and partly to the support of religious establishments, to the expense of hospitals, and to furnishing a granary for the consumption of the island, which could not produce grain in any proportion to the number of the inhabitants. So that by applying it now to the maintenance of a new democratic langue and the defence of the works, this plunder of the alms-houses would be found wholly inadequate. A Neapolitan force was spoken of for that purpose; but the king of Naples had no interest in the preservation of the island which could induce him to be at that expense. Besides, in time of war, he could never be in a condition to refuse yielding it to the French, in order to assist any project of theirs to intercept our East India trade, or to recover the possession of Egypt. It must, in future, be obedient to what we may call the king of Italy who might at any time march from the new Italian republic, and in forty-eight hours seize upon the capital of the other sovereign. There could be no hesitation, therefore, when the alternative was between the safety of the Neapolitan metropolis and the defence of the island of Malta It was not probable that his Sicilian majesty would embroil himself with the affairs of Malta, while it remained within the grasp of the first consul, and must dread the hostility of England, which would be formidable to him, though by no means so to France. Under these circumstances, he thought it imprudent in this country to give up the possession of that important island at the moment that France, by its late accessions, was so greatly extending its empire on the Mediterranean. The annexing of the new Italian republic to itself would at any other time have been thought a sufficient cause of war; and now the retention of Malta would, on our part, be still an inadequate equivalent. He illustrated this by the comments of a writer in the Mercure de France,* and published under the immediate inspection of the French government, and which, in explaining how the articles of the definitive treaty were advantageous to the republic, added, "that Malta must always be French, as long as it shall be Neapolitan." He then adverted to the immense acquisition made by the French in the ceded province of Louisiana, at the the time that it was also in possession of New Orleans and Florida, which gave them an immense influence | exertions our best hopes always depended; on the Northern United States, as well as and this point was settled by formal stipuon the South of America. It gave them lation in the treaty of 1783. Another nearly as much the command of our East point was, the omission with respect to India navigation, as it would have in the the regulation of the gum and the logwood possession of Ceylon; it brought them trade. He then observed upon what had within 300 miles of the city of Mexico; fallen from a noble lord on a former eventhe march would be as easy as from Ches- ing to the effect, that whatever claims ter to London; and he had no scruple to should be demanded by France, would affirm, that on the unfurling of the first be founded on the arguments urged standard for an expedition to Mexico, the by him (lord G.) Nothing, however, whole of the West of America would im- could be a greater misunderstanding. mediately repair to it in arms, a circum Never could any man possibly be less the stance which must ever put Spain in a advocate for France than he was; and if state of entire dependence upon the the cause were never pleaded but by him, French republic. His lordship next pro- it would be very feebly urged indeed. ceeded to consider a stipulation in the His opinion upon the effect of the omistreaty, for which, he said, there was no sions with respect to the navigation of precedent; namely, that which went to the eastern seas remained unaltered. In surrender the claims of British subjects the treaty of 1783, it was stipulated that upon the government of France, for losses we should continue quietly to exercise sustained before the war, or at the com- our rights in that respect; and these were mencement of the revolution. In these held of such high importance, that the periods, property of English subjects in treaty of 1787 was negotiated principally the French funds to a considerable with the view of ascertaining those claims, amount was confiscated; which was done and to avert a war which was just about chiefly by means of that unprincipled to be entered into, in consequence of the manœuvre, by which the French financiers unfounded pretensions of France in that confiscated two-thirds of the funded debt, respect. He thought that a distinct exin order to enable them to pay the re- planation should take place even now with maining third. He next adverted to the France upon this point, which might be non-renewal of ancient treaties, which he effected in five days, and before the ceswould contend was a principle in the pro- sion of the cape, Malta, &c. was carried cess of negotiation equally novel and in- into effect. He then touched upon the jurious; and in illustrating these positions, recent acquisitions made by France on the he again referred to the French official continent of North America, and adverted papers that he had already quoted, which to the unfavourable effects they might said, "the old law is destroyed; a new have upon the interests of this country in public law commences:" which principle that quarter, particularly with respect to might be most destructively applied by our West India commerce in periods of France in her future projects of aggran- war. From this topic he passed to the dizement; and they might well say to us, acquisitions of territory made by France that, abiding by the treaty of Amiens, on the continent of Europe, and the which in effect ordained a new law of serious consequences with which they nations, we had no right (or title to in- were fraught; and, drawing to a concluquire; nor was that the worst, for though sion, he recalled to the recollection of the these treaties were ineffectual on our part House some of the leading passages of with respect to France, we were bound by the last speech of the illustrious king the letter of them with regard to other William, which ought ever to be impressed nations, which must certainly lay the seeds upon their lordships minds, respecting the of future quarrels and dissentions. Added aggrandizement of France at that period, to these important considerations, there in consequence of a prince of the house were others which were more of the nature of Bourbon being placed on the throne of omissions than of positive stipulations, of Spain, by which the French king would but which were of equally injurious ten- become master of the whole Spanish modency. He first adverted to the point of narchy; in consequence of which this counthe honour of our flag in the British seas try could never experience the blessings of not being asserted, and which would, in real peace, but must continue to be exposed an inconceivable degree, go to abate the to all the expenses and inconveniences of spirit of our seamen, on whose ardour and war. This reasoning, his lordship con[VOL. XXXVI.] [2 Q] tended, applied most emphatically to the state of the two countries at the present period. His lordship concluded by moving, "That the Definitive Treaty of Peace be taken into consideration on the 14th instant." Lord Pelham said, that with regard to the non-renewal of the several treaties existing with foreign countries before the commencement of the war, he was ready to admit that the definitive treaty would have given him more pleasure, if it had contained a stipulation for the revival of those treaties, but his majesty's ministers had made as good conditions as they were able to obtain under the situation and circumstances of the contracting powers; and, inadequate as the terms might in some instances be held to be, he flattered himself, that if it were possible collectively to take the sense of the people upon the peace such as it was, they would rather have it than continue the war. He had been somewhat disappointed, at not having heard from the noble lord one single argument to convince the House of the necessity for taking the definitive treaty into consideration. The noble lord had also forborne to state the motion that he meant to propose. He saw not, for his part, any good that could arise out of a consideration of the treaty, nor what it could end in, unless it was meant to move a censure upon ministers. If, however, it was thought desirable to take the treaty into consideration, the sooner that was done the better, as no good could arise from delay. The noble lord had stated several important topics as variations in the definitive from the preliminary treaty; but he could not admit that they were variations; and where they differed at all, it was in being more fully explained in the definitive treaty than they had stood in the prelimimaries. As to the breach of public faith to the queen of Portugal, he did not think that charge at all imputable to this country; as far as it was in the power of ministers, they had stipulated for the integrity of her most faithful majesty's territories and possessions as they were previous to the commencement of the war; and as to the exception relative to the limits of the French possessions in South America, that article was stipulated between Portugal and the French by a separate treaty, over which Great Britain had no control, not being a contracting party; but ministers had obtained an explicit definition of those limits, which were determined by the fall of the river Arawari into the ocean below the North Cape near the Isle Neuve, and the Island of Penitence. With regard to the House of Orange, undoubtedly it had been stated, when the preliminaries were under consideration, that there were hopes of obtaining for the prince of Orange such a compensation as would be entirely satisfactory; but though they had not been able to succeed, they had prevailed so far as to induce the French to make a public acknowledgment that the House of Orange had suffered losses in what was now termed the Batavian republic, and to declare that an adequate compensation should be procured to the prince for his losses. In respect to the Cape, they had procured a full explanation of the stipulation respecting it, which was to be found in the definitive treaty. He denied that the construction put upon the condition relative to the Russian prisoners was the true construction; he could not admit, that this country was to be at the expense of furnishing and clothing them. With regard to Malta, it had been hoped that the emperor of Russia would have accepted the guarantee of the island's independence, which he owned would have been more desirable than the present arrangement respecting the island; but if they could rely on the good faith of France, the danger the noble lord apprehended was not likely to arise. His lordship concluded with moving an amendment, by inserting the 12th instant, instead of the 14th. Lord Thurlow insisted that all subsisting treaties were at an end as soon as a war was commenced with those who were parties to them. It behoved those, therefore, who plunged the country into the war, not to have set the treaties loose by commencing hostilities; but it by no means followed as a matter of course, that ancient treaties were necessarily to be revived and renewed in every treaty of peace; that must depend on the will of the contracting parties. The Lord Chancellor said, that if by the omission of the mention of former treaties they were all to be considered as abrogated, and if the public law of Europe was thus altered, he had no difficulty in saying, that an address should be voted to his majesty, praying that he would dismiss his present ministers from his councils for ever. But he trusted that the fact was far otherwise, and that the con duct of ministers deserved no such censure. He should not at present attempt to answer the noble lord, considering that atime would come when he might do it with more propriety. made upon us by the Dutch, who, on the contrary, deprecated our interference. As little were we called upon to meddle in the dispute with the Austrian government. Having failed, then, in his attempt to effect the delivery of Holland and of Belgium, the right hon. gentleman, with an aptness at tergiversation which defied all parallel, set up another plea, and assuming the ore rotundo, with a mouth vaunting great things, boasted, as his next object, the attainment of Lord Auckland said, he had heard with the liveliest satisfaction what had fallen from the noble mover, with respect to our rights in India. It certainly had been imputed to him on the continent, and pretty generally believed in this country, that he had declared these rights to depend upon the treaties of 1783 and 1787." indemnity for the past, and security for But he had now affirmed in the most decided and manly manner, these rights to be inherent in us as sovereigns of Bengal. He himself was in possession of information which he should take an early opportunity of laying before the House, and which would clearly prove that the French had not the shadow of a claim to disturb us in the exclusive enjoyment of our possessions and privileges in that quarter of the world. The amendment was agreed to. Debate on Mr. Nicholls's Motion for an Address respecting the Removal of Mr. Pitt.] May 7. Mr. Nicholls said, that he felt it his duty, on public grounds, to draw the attention of the House to the misconduct and delinquency of the late administration, but more particularly the criminality of the late chancellor of the exchequer, whom he individually selected as the main object of his motion, not merely because he had been the most prominent figure in the whole group, but forasmuch as there were many points of heinous delinquency which attached exclusively to that right hon. gentleman. It was impossible to canvass this subject so fully as it deserved without going into a retrospect of the conduct and management of the late war. At the commencement of that unhappy contest, the right hon. gentleman rested his ground for the necessity of embarking in hostilities, on the plea that Great Britain was in honour bound to protect the Austrian Low Coun. tries from the usurpation of France, and to rescue and deliver Holland. Had mi nisters obtained these objects? The very reverse: Austria had lost her domains of the Low Countries, and Holland was subdued by France. The right hon. gentleman had embarked in this war for the delivery of Holland, with the enthusiasm of a political Quixote. He had volunteered the service; no claim, no demand being the future." How has he succeeded in this part of his project? What is the indemnity, what the security he has obtained for us? So far from diminishing the power of France, that government had assumed colossal growth; so far from suffering any dismemberment of her provinces, any retrenchment of her territories, she had extended her dominions beyond the limits the proudest ambition ever dreamt of. The language which France now held out in concluding peace was twofold; as applying to herself, she adopted the maxim of uti possidetis as applying to this country, she insisted on the status quo ante bellum. Thus she was to retain all that she had acquired, whilst we were called upon to refund all we had gained during war. A third object was then set up, and the House and the country at large told, that the war was unavoidable on our part in order to extinguish French principles. In this point of view likewise the right hon. gentleman had completely failed. He was aware, that with respect to French principles, he might entertain opinions very different from many gentlemen on the opposite side of the House. On the present occasion, however, he should not enter into a discussion of abstract principles; but take the term in the sense in which it was employed and used by themselves. He would take the term as used and defined by Mr. Burke; and, adopting his interpretation, say, that ministers professed to carry on the war for the purpose of restoring the anciently constituted authorities of France; and that there might not be, in the centre of Europe, the dangerous example, as to them appeared, of the successful insurrection of a people against their rulers. Had they succeeded in this attempt? No. Yet this was the only point of view in which the war could possibly be productive of beneficial consequences. He, for his part, did not agree with the right |