the order of the day for going into a com- | tonnage in imports and exports, but upon mittee of the whole House, upon the bill the importation of the raw materials of "for granting to his majesty certain du- which they are made. Now that war had ties on goods imported or exported, and ceased, and we were once more to enter on tonnage of ships and vessels," into commercial emulation with the other nations of Europe, surely our trade should not be shackled with imposts that it was so ill able to bear! Mr. Chancellor Addington said, that no principle could be more just than that those who had gained by the burthens of the nation, should also bear a proportion of them; and it could not be denied, that the commercial world had been gainers by the war. So great security had been given to trade during the war, that only a moderate insurance was required; and the convoy duty became at last a direct tax on trade, and it was cheerfully borne. The question then was, whether circumstances had so changed as to render it expedient to remove this tax? If such a change could not be proved to have taken place, it was surely improper to take it General Gascoyne objected to the continuance of these duties, as a system of impost which would be productive of serious consequences to the trade of this country. In the first instance, the duties under this bill, oppressive as they would be to Great Britain, would be still more so when it was known that they were not to extend to Ireland, as the Irish merchant would have a bonus decidedly superior to the English one. Why an exemption so partial should take place, he was at a loss to conceive; but certainly it was one not stipulated for under the act of union, nor was it one which could be nominally or virtually deduced from that act; but the immediate consequence of it would be, to enable the Irish merchant considerably to undersell the English one; for, under its operation, a merchant at Cork would be able to un-off when so great an expenditure was to dersell a merchant in London, in the ar- be provided for. No objection had forticle of coffee alone, 8s. in the hundred merly been made to this tax, when imweight. The shipping trade of England posed during the war in the shape of constood in need of protection and encourage- voy duty: no objection could be made to ment; but, under this act, it would be de- it, as, during its operation, trade, instead pressed. At this moment there were four of declining, had wonderfully increased. foreign for one British vessel employed in From the returns made last session, it apthe imports and exports of this country; peared, that, on an average of six years and from this circumstance, a mischief preceding 1793, our imports had amounted against which we should most cautiously to 190,000,000l. per annum; whereas in guard, and which had obtained through 1801 they amounted to 240,000,000/. the war, would by this act be considerably Our exports taken at the same periods promoted; namely, the increase and im- had increased from 6 to 17,000,000l.; the provement of foreign seamen, by their be- increase in number of our ships amounted ing employed in the trade of this country. to 2,798, and the increase of tonnage to There were many articles of considerable 365,000. During this increase, the preimport and consumption in this country, sent tax operated, and yet it still contithe imposts on which under this bill would nued up to 1801. It then remained to be be greater than the freight; the article of considered, whether our export and imtallow, for instance: on the other hand, port trade was likely to be diminished by there were many articles of export which this duty. Different opinions might be would be materially damped by this im- entertained about the future state of our post; and one in particular, namely, rock trade; but, for his own part, he was consalt. This trade would be most consi- vinced that the footing gained by the comderably injured by the bill; and of the merce of Great Britain was so solid, that shipping belonging to Liverpool, thirty it could not fail to maintain its ground out of every hundred were now lying idle. for a long course of years. The indispuSurely it would have been but decorous table superiority of our manufactures, the to the mercantile interests to have gone greatness of our capital, the credit we into a committee for the purpose of inquir- gave, and the good faith we observed, ing into the state of British shipping before must prevent any power in the universe a measure of such magnitude was perpe- from entering into a competition with us. tuated. Upon the shipping trade of this With regard to that nation to which our country it would operate as a double im-jealousies and apprehensions were partipost; for it would not only fall upon their cularly directed, the difficulty lately ex and approached to that of Great Britain, it ought to participate in the burthens necessarily imposed on that of Great Britain. -The hon. gentleman said, that there now was, and for some time had been a considerable disproportion of foreign instead of British ships employed in our trade. That was perfectly true, and it arose from this cause-the trade of this country had increased with such rapidity that it was impossible to supply its demands without calling in the aid of foreign ships; but did it follow from thence that British shipping was not to find employment? Did it follow, because, during the war, the extent of our trade was such that our own shipping was not enough for it, that therefore the trade would be carried on in foreign ships in preference to ours? By no means; nor was the fact of our having employed foreign shipping at all discouraging; on the contrary, it proved the vast increase of our trade. So that, instead of the comment of the hon. gentleman, that our shipping would decline, he thought it was good ground of confidence in an increasing trade, and still greater prosperity. The hon. gentleman had lamented the present stagnation in our export trade. This he admitted: from causes that were onerous to us, there certainly had been of late a stagnation in several parts of that trade; but it was to be remembered that, during the negotiation, our merchants followed a circuitous route, which occasioned much of this inconvenience, and they were under the necessity of doing so ; but this afforded a good reason for apprehending that, as the course was now different, the effect would be different also. He would not now state the terms on which relief was intended to be afforded to our merchants in respect to the operation of this duty, because that belonged properly to the committee; but he thought the regulations could not fail to be satisfactory. What he wished to be kept constantly in view was, that this was an experimental measure; and as far as the subjects of im perienced to procure ships for a most important expedition, was a proof that she could not, for many years to come, enter into a competition with us.-But the hon. gentleman expressed great dissatisfaction on account of the indulgencies shown to Ireland; and thought that this exemption in favour of Ireland would operate to the disadvantage of Great Britain. But there was a great dissimilarity between the two countries at present. Would to God they were both alike! he hoped the time was approaching when there would be an end of that dissimilarity. There was, however, a circumstance to which he would call the attention of the House. He meant the state of the linen trade;, and, as Ireland was not charged with import duties on the raw material, he thought it due to the manufacturers of Great Britain, that they should experience a similar advantage; but he would call on the hon. gentleman to say, whether Ireland had any material advantage beyond its due proportion? In the export of linen, flax, &c. the regulation which was applied to Ireland, was applied also to Great Britain. He was, indeed, unable to state a manufacture, or branch of trade, in which Ireland was benefited in any considerable degree to the disadvantage of Great Britain. The hon. gentleman said, the measure was an instance of unusual partiality; that this tax had continued, and was to be made to continue on Great Britain, while Ireland was free from it. But let not the hon. gentleman imagine it was intended at all events, and under all possible circumstances, to continue this duty exclusively on the trade of Great Britain. He wished the measure to be considered as a measure of experiment. If, upon trial, it should be found injurious to the trade of Great Britain, he would say, let it be abandoned altogether. If, on the contrary, it should be found beneficial, and if the trade of Ireland should increase, as he confidently trusted it would, then it would be proper, in his opinion, to try the same experiment on the trade of Ireland. He would therefore say, that this measure was an experi-ports and exports were concerned, the mental measure, both to Great Britain and to Ireland :-experimental to Great Britain, as applying to its trade now, and at the same time waiting for that increase in the trade of Ireland, when it might be made applicable to that country. If Ireland continued as it was, then he should not think it proper to apply this measure to its trade; but if it advanced in trade, House would recollect that notice had been already given of a measure to be proposed in the next session for consolidating the duties of customs, and then every article might again become the subject of discussion. Sir R. Peel said, that the measure might be injurious in a way that was not immediately obvious. It would be re the 6th article of the Union. He did not deny that it might have been an object to better the condition of Ireland; but it certainly never could have been in contemplation to place England in a worse situation than it was before. There were reasons why the convoy duty should not extend to Ireland at the time it was imposed, as that country was then labouring under domestic troubles, and incapable of commercial exertion; but he trusted the House would maturely reflect before they sanctioned the present measure. collected, that our commerce had flourished and been carried to a vast extent during the war, when it encountered no competition: a change had now taken place; a considerable debt had been incurred in consequence of that war, which necessarily imposed an additional expense on every article of manufacture, which must be charged upon the purchaser. We could now meet our competitors in foreign markets on the grounds of merit and cheapness only; and if the consumer could meet with cheaper articles he would, very probably prefer them. He trusted the House would consider well before they sanctioned a measure, the operation of which might be injurious to our own foreign trade. It had been observed, that the course of exchange was against us; and it could not be otherwise, unless we could send our goods at a cheaper rate to foreign markets. With respect to the convoy duty, he had highly approved of it at the time when it was imposed, but he did conceive that it would cease at the end of the war, and that other duties, if necessary, would then be imposed, more suitable to the circumstances of the country. His principal objection, however, was to the partial operation of the tax. It had been formerly laid down as a principle, that the advantages given to the manufactures of Ireland should be equally extended to those of this country. Some of the manufactures of Ireland had been nursed with peculiar care: the linen manufacture had thrown this country out of all competition, and the cotton manufacture of that country seemed likely to rival the article manufactured in Great Britain. He lamented that the right hon. gentleman who had framed the union had not been able to render that measure so complete as he wished, in consequence of circumstances which he could not control. Ireland possessed, however, at present, advantages which this country did not; and he thought there was a sufficient reason why the burdens of this country should also be burdens on that. A considerable injury might otherwise arise; and Ireland, having the advantages which she possessed, had no right to complain. He would venture to say, that 1,000l. employed in Ireland in the export trade, would produce greater returns than the same sum employed in the same way in this country. He was much mistaken if the present measure did not trench upon Mr. Corry said, that the trade of this country having flourished under the operation of this tax, he thought there was no ground of apprehension, that it would now suffer by its continuation. With regard to Ireland, he wished to say a few words on what was called the colony compact. By that act Great Britain granted to Ireland the privilege of trading to her colonies under certain conditions, which Ireland accepted. But, whatever that compact was, he contended that it was merged in the act of Union, by which there was a complete junction of the sovereignties of the two countries. The parliament of Ireland then became completely united with that of this country, and entered into a co-enjoyment and became jointly possessed of the sovereignty of these colonies. They were therefore no longer bound by the compact which the two parties had entered into, as, those two parties having become one, their rights were necessarily the same; and he trusted that it was impossible to give any interpretation to the act of Union, that would not admit the rights of Ireland to trade to the British colonies. The hon. baronet had referred to an article of the Union relative to the equal rights of both parties; but the article referred to, related wholly to the rights of trade; the present measure was a subject of taxation which was totally and entirely different. Let the article of the Union respecting taxation be referred to. What was the import of that article? It was to be lamented that the union between the two countries could not be entirely completed; but it unfortunately happened that their exchequers reremained distinct, and consequently the taxation of the two countries. Ireland was neither able to bear the burdens of this country, nor was she called upon to do it. It was for the judgment of the House to decide in what manner taxes should be imposed; but that it was necessary to extend the present tax to Ireland, he wholly denied; that it was expedient he could not allow. as the least productive of evil. But if the burdens of Ireland were not co-extensive with those of Great Britain, it was not just to call upon Ireland to adopt the same system of taxation. Ireland ought not to be called upon to contribute to the tax, if she could raise the supplies in a mode more convenient to herself. One great objection to the extension of this tax to Ireland was, that it would be inoperative. The duty would not apply to the trade between Great Britain and Ire land, but only to the foreign trade of Ireland, which was not above a ninth or tenth of the foreign trade of Great Britain. It would be in the power of the House to extend the tax to Ireland whenever they thought it expedient. Lord Sheffield said, that these duties, if laid only on this country, must operate as a bounty in favour of the shipping and manufactures of Ireland, and in disfavour of those of Great Britain. It had been urged that Scotland at the time of the union and since, had been indulged with particular exemptions; but they related only to internal consumption, and arose from the inferiority of climate. The exemptions now proposed affected external commerce, and went infinitely beyond what seemed to be intended. We were told that Ireland was not to be taxed in the same proportion as Great Britain, to which he entirely agreed; but taxes which operated as regulations or checks to external commerce, must be the same in both countries, otherwise the union might prove a ruinous bargain to Great Britain. The convoy tax could not be compared to that now proposed. It was only intended to exist during the war, when the trade of the world passed through this country, and no other shipping was safe. The case was now widely different; a great proportion of ourshipping and seamen were discharged, and there never was a moment when it Lord Hawkesbury said, that it would was more necessary to encourage them. have been impossible to have renewed with He deeply regretted the dereliction which France the old commercial treaty that subon so many occasions, took place in res-sisted before the war. The many regulapect to that navigation system which had been the foundation of our safety, power, and commerce. He could not approve of the bill as an experimental measure; he was sure it would prove the worst of precedents. Lord Castlereagh said, that this might be considered either as a measure of commercial regulation, or of taxation. It would be recollected, that the system alluded to by the hon. baronet would only last twenty years; but, not to go so far as that period, there was no necessity for making any distinction between the two countries, so far as this could be considered as a commercial regulation. He could not see, however, that it was necessary to extend this tax to Ireland. Great Britain found it expedient, in consequence of the expenses incurred by the late war, to have recourse to a certain tax; and the chancellor of the exchequer chose that which he considered Mr. Dent said, it was true, the merchants had paid this tax cheerfully, but it was from a full understanding that it would be taken off upon the conclusion of peace. When the House were about to lay such a burthen upon our commerce, they ought to consider, that most of our manufactures were forbidden in France; and information had recently been received, that a ship laden with British manufactures had lately been obliged to leave one of the French ports. He believed, that France had suffered so much by the commercial treaty of 1786, that she was not willing to make another commercial treaty. tions which had been imposed in this country, particularly with regard to wine, must render it impossible that that treaty could be renewed in the same form. Besides, there were other objections to it of a decisive nature. That treaty could not be renewed without our giving up a system which he hoped never would be abandoned, he meant the alien laws. Another consequence of our renewing that treaty would be, that we must acknowledge the principles of the armed neutrality, at least as far as related to France. It was true, that our giving up that principle with regard to France was no reason for giving it up to other countries. Yet after the confederacy which had been formed against us this war, and the principles asserted by the powers composing that confederacy, he was of opinion that we ought to adhere to our old principles, and not to concede it to any power whatever. Dr. Laurence said, that the arguments which had been advanced to show, that Ireland ought to be exempted from this tax, appeared to him by no means conclusive; because this could not be considered merely as a measure of taxation; it certainly was a commercial regulation. He then entered into an examination of the effect which this tax would have upon our own trade, and contended that, in many instances, it would operate most disadvantageously. The tax would be more severely felt in this country, because there would be no such tax in other countries, and consequently it would add to the difficulties we should have to contend with before we could meet our rivals in foreign markets. Mr. Wilberforce said, it was undoubtedly true, that during the war the shipping of this country had been very considerably increased; but it should be recollected, that the war furnished employment for a great number of ships, particularly for the transport service, and consequently enabled the owners to bear this tax much better than they could in a time of peace. He was unwilling to propose any general deduction from the amount of the tax; but he wished to propose to reduce the duty in some cases, and to increase it in others, so as to make the produce the same. The House then went into the Commit tee. Copy of the Definitive Treaty of Peace.] April 29. Lord Hawkesbury presented, by his Majesty's command, the following Copy of the DEFINITIVE TREATY of PEACE between his Britannic Majesty and the French Republic, his Catholic Majesty, the Batavian Republic; Signed at Amiens the 27th Day of March 1802. His majesty the king of the united king dom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the first consul of the French Republic, in the name of the French people, being animated with an equal desire to put an end to the calamities of war, have laid the foundation of peace in the preliminary articles signed at London the 1st of October 1801 (ninth Vendemiaire, year ten :) And as by the fifteenth article of the said preliminaries it has been stipulated that plenipotentiaries should be named on each side, who should proceed to Amiens for the purpose of concluding a definitive treaty, in concert with the allies of the contracting powers: his majesty the king of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland has named for his plenipotentiary the marquis Cornwallis, knight of the most illustrious order of the Garter, privy counsellor to his majesty, general of his armies, &c.; the first consul of the French republic, in the name of the French people, the citizen Joseph the king of Spain and of the Indies, and the Buonaparté, counsellor of state; his majesty government of the Batavian republic, have named for their plenipotentiaris, viz. his Catholic majesty, Don Joseph Nicolas de Azara, his counsellor of state, knight Great Cross of the order of Charles 3rd, his said majesty's ambassador extraordinary to the French republic, &c.; and the government of the Batavian republic, Roger John SchimmelpenFrench republic; who, after having duly ninck, their ambassador extraordinary to the communicated to each other their full powers, which are transcribed at the end of the present treaty, have agreed upon the following Articles : ART. 1. There shall be peace, friendship, and good understanding, between his majesty the king of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, his heirs and successors, on the one part; and the French republic his majesty the king of Spain, his heirs and successors, and the Batavian republic, on the other part. The contracting parties shall give the greatest attention to maintain, between themselves and their states, a perfect harmony, and without allowing on either side any kind of hostilities, by sea or by land, to be committed for any cause, or under any avoid every thing which might hereafter pretence whatsoever. They shall carefully affect the union happily re-established, and they shall not afford any assistance or protection, directly or indirectly, to those who should cause prejudice to any of them. ART. 2. All the prisoners taken on either side, as well by land as by sea, and the hostages carried away or given during the war. and to this day, shall be restored without ransom in six weeks at latest, to be computed from the day of the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty, and on paying the debts which they have contracted during their captivity. Each contracting party shall respectively discharge the advances which have been made by any of the contracting parties for the subsistence and maintenance of the prisoners in the country where they have been detained. For this purpose a commission shall be appointed by agreement, which shall be specially charged to ascertain and regulate the compensation which may be due to either of the contracting powers. The time and place where the commissioners, who shall be charged with the execution of this article, shall assemble, shall also be fixed upon by agreement; and the said commissioners shall take into account the expenses occasioned, not only by the prisoners of the respective nations, but also by the foreign troops, who, before they were made prisoners, were in the pay, or at the disposal, of any of the contracting parties. ART. 3. His Britannic majesty restores to |