ing difficulties in the way of the free trade; but he rather thought that their readiness to grant facilities produced unreasonable demands. On the whole, was decidedly against the motion. After some farther conversation the previous question was put and carried. Copy of the Treaty of Alliance between Great Britain and the Sublime Porte.] Nov. 24. Lord Hawkesbury presented the following by the present treaty, to the defensive alliance which has just been concluded between his majesty the Ottoman emperor and the empeheror of Russi, as far as the stipulations thereof are applicable to the local circumstances of And his majesty the Ottoman emperor enters his empire, and of that of the sublime porte: reciprocally by this treaty into the same engagements towards his Britannic majesty, so that there shall exist for ever between the three empires, by virtue of the present defensive treaty, and of the alliances and treaties which already subsist, peace, good understanding, and perfect friendship, as well by sea as land, so that for the future the friends of one of the parties shall be the friends of the two others; and the enemies of one shall, in like manner, be considered as such by the others. On this account the two high contracting parties promise and engage to come to a frank and mutual understanding in all affairs in which their reciprocal safety and tranquillity may be interested, and to adopt, by common consent, the necessary measures to oppose every project hostile towards themselves, and to effectuate general tranquillity. TRANSLATION of TREATY of ALLIANCE between his Majesty and the Ottoman Porte; signed at Constantinople, January 5th, 1799. In the Name of Almighty God!-The constant and uninterrupted good understanding which has ever subsisted between the august court of London and the sublime Ottoman Porte, as well as the circumstances and situation of the war in which the two sovereigns of the British and Ottoman empires are engaged, in consequence of the perfidious and numerous aggressions of the French, have inspired those sovereigns with a mutual desire to draw still closer their ancient bond of friendship: And a definitive alliance having already been concluded between the Sublime Porte and his majesty the emperor of all the Russias, the friend and ally of his Britannic majesty, by which alliance, founded on the basis of a mutual guarantee of their empires, of the reestablishment and consolidation of general tranquillity, and of the preservation of the other powers, it is agreed that his Britannic majesty shall be invited to accede to it: Their said majesties, namely, his majesty George 3rd, king of Great Britain, &c. &c. &c. and his imperial majesty sultan Selim 3rd, the most mighty Ottoman emperor, equally desirous of contributing to the safety and to the interests of their respective subjects, and to the re-establishment of the general tranquillity of Europe, have, for these purposes, named for their plenipotentiaries; viz. the king of Great Britain, on his part, sir William Sidney Smith, knight, commander, grand cross of the royal military order of the Sword, and commodore of his squadron actually in the seas of the Levant, and John Spencer Smith, esquire, his minister plenipotentiary actually residing at the sublime Ottoman Porte; and his imperial majesty, on his part, the most excellent and most honourable Esseid Ibrahim Ismael Bey, distinguished by the title of Cazi Asker of Romilio, and formerly cadi of Constantinople, and Ahmed Aatif Reis Effendi, who, after having reciprocally communicated their full powers in good and due form, have agreed upon the following articles: ART. 1.-His Britannic majesty, connected already with his majesty the emperor of Russia by the ties of the strictest alliance, accedes 2. In order to give to this alliance a full and entire effect, the two high contracting parties mutually guarantee to each other their possessions; His Britannic majesty guarantees all the possessions of the Ottoman empire, without exception, such as they stood immediately before the invasion of the French in Egypt: And his majesty the Ottoman emperor guarantees all the possessions of Great Britain, without any exception whatever. 3. Notwithstanding the two contracting parties reserve to themselves the full right of entering into negotiation with other powers, and to conclude with them whatever treaties their interests may require, yet they mutually bind themselves in the strongest manner, that such treaties shall not contain any condition which can ever produce the least detriment, injury, or prejudice, to either of them, or affect the integrity of their dominions; on the contrary, they promise to regard and preserve, to their utmost, their reciprocal honour, safety, and advantage. 4. In every case of an hostile attack upon the dominions of one of the contracting parties, the succours which the other is to furnish shall be regulated by the principles of good faith, and in conformity with the close friendship subsisting between the two empires, according to the nature of the case. 5. Whenever the two contracting parties make common cause either with all their forces, or with the succours furnished by virtue of this alliance, neither party shall make either peace, or a durable truce, without comprising the other in it, and without stipulating for its safety; and in case of an attack against one of the two parties in hatred of the stipu lations of this treaty, or of their faithful execution, the other party shall come to its assistance in the manner the most useful and the most conformable to the common interest,, according to the exigency of the case. 6. The two high contracting parties have agreed and resolved, that when their fleets, squadrons, ships, and other vessels of war, shall meet, they shall salute each other, attention being paid on both sides, in order to begin the salute, to the superiority of rank of the commanders, manifested by the flag of command; and in case of an equality of rank no salute shall be made. The salute shall be answered by the same number of guns as were fired by the party first saluting. Boats shall be reciprocally sent upon these occasions for the purpose of concerting the mode of salute, in order to avoid all misunderstanding. 7. The trophies, and all the plunder taken from the enemy, shall be the property of the troops making such capture. 8. The two high contracting parties being actually engaged in war with the common enemy, have agreed to make common cause, and not to conclude any peace or truce but by common consent, as it has been stipulated in the fifth article; so that on the one side the Sublime Porte, notwithstanding the cessation of the actual attack directed against her dominions, shall be bound to continue the war, and to remain attached to the cause of her august allies, until the conclusion of a peace just and honourable, as well for them as for herself; and, on the other side, his Britannic majesty, shall be equally bound not to make peace with the common enemy without providing for the interests, the honour, and the safety of the Ottoman empire. 9. The two allies, making thus common cause, promise to communicate to each other their intentions relative to the duration of the war, and to the conditions of peace, governing themselves by just and equitable principles, and having an understanding with each other in this respect. 10. In order to render more efficacious the succour to be furnished on both sides during the war, according to the spirit of the present treaty of alliance, the two high contracting parties will concert together upon the operations most suitable to be made in order to render abortive the pernicious designs of the enemy in general, and especially in Egypt, and to destroy their commerce in the seas of the Levant, and in the Mediterranean; and for this purpose his majesty the Ottoman emperor engages not only to shut all his ports, without exception, against the commerce of the enemy, but likewise to employ against them in his dominions (and in order to prevent the execution of their ambitious projects) an army, consisting at least of 100,000 men, and even to augment it, in case of need, to the extent of his whole forces; he shall also put his naval forces in a state of preparation to act in concert with those of his allies in the seas abovementioned ;—and his Britanic majesty, on his part, reciprocally engages himself to employ in the same seas, a naval force always equal to that of the enemy, to annoy them; and to act in concert with the fleets of his allies, in order to impede the execution of their plans, and especially to prevent any attack upon the dominions or provinces of the Ottoman empire. 11. In as much as the presence of the British forces in the seas of the Levant has for its principal object the defence of the Ottoman coasts, and that desertion by weakening the means, must unavoidably hurt the cause, the two high contracting powers promise not to tolerate it under any pretext or motive. 12. Notwithstanding the two high contracting parties desire to maintain these engagements in force as long as possible, nevertheless, as circumstances might in time require some change, it is agreed to fix the term of eight years for this definitive treaty of defensive alliance, to be computed from the day of the ratifications being exchanged. At the expiration of this term, the two parties, shall enter into amicable explanations for the renewal of it, conforming themselves to the then situation of affairs. 13. The present treaty of defensive alliance shall be ratified by his majesty the king of Great Britain, and his majesty the emperor of the Ottomans; and the ratifications shall be exchanged at Constantinople in three months, or sooner, if possible. In Witness whereof, we, the undersigned ministers plenipotentiary aforesaid, have signed the present treaty of alliance; and have affixed to it the seal of our arms, together with that of his Britannic majesty's legation at the Sublime Ottoman Port. Done at Constantinople the fifth of January 1799. (L. S.) WILLIAM SIDNEY SMITH. (L. S.) AHMED AATIFF REIS EFFENDI. On the 15th of December, both Houses adjourned for a week, and which mode was continued until the 19th of January, 1802, without any business of importance being agitated. On that day, the earl of Carlisle, in the Lords, pressed upon the attention of that House, the very great uneasiness which these short and repeated intermissions of the meetings of parliament had upon the people at large. He insisted, that it was the duty of ministers to assign their motives for adjourning that House so often. He wished to be informed, whether ministers had known of the intention of France to send a vast armament from that country to the West Indies before the signing of the definitive treaty of peace? Whether that was done in consequence of an agreement between secured the vast cessions which the preliminary treaty had proposed that we should make them. Until then, France might allow us to enjoy peace, while we should be obliged to keep up an expensive establishment in the West Indies, to guard against her machinations. "Such was the peace we were to enjoy; a peace delusive and insecure; a peace which would operate to put France in possession of that which she had so long sought, a naval force, which he much feared would en her hopes and wishes centered; that which all her exertions, intrigues, and state papers for years back have been contrived and calculated to produce; namely, what she called the liberty of the seas; but which would be, in fact, the annihilation of the commerce and consequence of Great Britain." Mr. Chancellor Addington and lord Hawkesbury reduced the defence of the measures of administration, on the point alluded to, to two heads; first, that the sailing of the French fleet manifested no hostile purpose, and that previously to its having sailed, that there had been a communication with the British government upon the subject; and, secondly, that ministers had not neglected to take every precautionary measure to guard against any prejudicial effects that might be apprehended. For the fact of both these assertions, they claimed the confidence of the House, as at present it was too delicate a matter upon which to enter into a full explanation.-Repeated adjournments of the sitting of parliament still continued to fill up the anxious interval which occurred until the signature of the definitive treaty. The death of the earl of Clare, lord high chancellor of Ireland, caused a vacancy in the chair of the House of Commons, his majesty having been pleased to appoint sir John Mitford, the Speaker, to fill up that high office. the two countries? and, whether his ma- | jesty's ministers had taken the necessary precautions to guard against the consequences that might follow from the French having such a force in the West Indies? But it was not alone the great accession of force to France in that quarter of the world which was to be dreaded, the power of Spain would be vastly augmented; five Spanish ships of the line sailed from Brest with the French fleet, and under the protection of its flag; which, added to nine, the Spanish force at the Havan-able her to accomplish that in which all nah, would render that power truly formidable. And all this was done before it was known whether Great Britain had made peace with Spain or not; because, his lordship added, for any thing we knew to the contrary, we were still at war with that power. He could find no document by which he was to conclude that we were at peace with her; and that, therefore, he wished his majesty's ministers would satisfy the public upon that head. He wished then to ask ministers, whether we were at peace with Spain or not? To that part of the preliminary treaty by which the island of Trinidad was ceded to this country, it did not appear that the consent of Spain had either been asked or obtained. No negotiation was carried on, nor treaty entered into between any Spanish and British minister. Was it not necessary then to know how we actually stood with respect to that country?-Lord Pelham, in reply, informed the House, that it was in consequence of a previous understanding between Great Britain and France, that the armament lately sailed from Brest; that that fleet had a particular destination and a specific object in view, and that it could not be contrary to the interests of Great Britain if it succeeded in its object.-Mr. Elliot, in the House of Commons, on the same day, and upon the same grounds with lord Carlisle, attacked the ministry. He took a view of the consequences which the sailing of the Brest fleet was likely to produce on the progress and conduct of the pending negotiation. Should war recommence, he said, the French might strike an immediate and dangerous blow in some of our most important colonial possessions. They had now the means of doing so, though it was probable they would delay the execution of their hostile designs. They would probably postpone the accomplishment of their ulterior objects of aggrandisement, until they had Mr. Speaker Mitford resigns.] Feb. 9, 1802. Mr. Ley, the clerk at the table, acquainted the House, that he had, this morning, received a letter from Mr. Speaker; which he read to the House as follows: "Palace-yard, 9th Feb. 1802. "Sir; His majesty having been graci ously pleased to signify his intention of appointing me chancellor of Ireland, it has become my duty to resign the chair of the House of Commons; which I re quest you to communicate to the House, at their meeting this day. I must entreat you at the same time to express to them, in the strongest terms, the regret with which I quit the high situation to which their favour had raised me; and my gratitude for their constant and kind assistance and support, in my humble attempts to discharge the arduous duties of that important office. I have the honour to be, &c. "John Ley, esq. JOHN MITFord." &c. &c. &c." abounds with knowledge and ability of every description. Yet I believe that, on such occasions as the present, gentlemen naturally turn their thoughts towards a few, as more peculiarly qualified, by their studies, and pursuits, for the discharge of the duties of the Chair. Among those to whom our attention is thus directed, it may not be easy to find decisive motives of preference; but by our choice, it is eminent, not exclusive fitness that is implied. From our selection of one, it is not to be inferred, that there are not others who would honourably and ably discharge the same trust if they were After which, and before any member spoke, the mace was brought into the House by the serjeant, and laid under the table. Then Mr. Chancellor of the Ex-invested with it. If a knowledge of the chequer acquainted the House, that his majesty, under the circumstances referred to in Mr. Speaker's Letter, gives leave to this House to proceed to the choice of a new Speaker; and that it is his majesty's pleasure that this House should present their Speaker on Thursday next, in the House of Peers, for his royal approbation. Mr. Abbot Chosen Speaker.] Feb. 10. The Serjeant having brought the Mace, and laid it under the table, The Master of the Rolls (sir W. Grant) rose and said:-Mr. Ley; the event which was yesterday announced to the House renders it necessary for us to supply the vacancy, in the office of Speaker, which that event has occasioned. It is impossible not to regret that we should so soon be deprived of the services of one, who, in the short time that he has filled the Chair, has so amply justified the choice that placed him in it. Indeed, with knowledge so various and so profound, with information at once so accurate and so extensive, as he possessed, he could not fail to do credit to that situation, even difficult as his predecessor had made it for any man to appear in it to advantage. It is some consolation, that, if he be lost to our immediate service, a great and valuable portion of the empire is about to enjoy the benefit of his talents in its first place of judicial magistracy. How he will fill that place, can be no doubt with those who know, that in the whole compass of legal science, there is nothing which his capacious mind has not embraced, from the minutest rules of forensic practice, to the most enlarged principles of general jurisprudence. Fortunately for the country the talents it produces are adequate to the various services which it requires. The House laws and constitution of our country-if a thorough acquaintance with our parliamentary history, and with those records in which are treasured up, as well the rules and usages that govern our proceedings, as the principles and practices which have gradually developed themselves in the admirable constitution we now enjoy -if a constant endeavour to direct the attention of the House to measures of great national utility, and an active and persevering industry in carrying those measures into effect when adopted by the House-if a firmness and an integrity that ensure upright conduct and impartial decision-if these be qualifications for the high station which is now vacant, I am convinced that the gentleman whom I mean to propose for the consideration of the House possesses eminent fitness for that station-for that these qualifications do belong to him will, I hope, be admitted, when I say that Mr. Abbot is the gentleman to whom I allude. All who have sat in the House with that right hon. gentleman, have witnessed the extent and the value of his labours. They have seen that his parliamentary life has been one continued series of useful exertion. To that exertion the public is already indebted for several beneficial arrangements. In collecting the materials, and laying the foundation of many others, he has been mainly instrumental. If such have been the spontaneous efforts of his zeal as a private member of parliament, what may we not expect from that zeal, when directed to the performance of high official duties, and stimulated by the animating influence of illustrious examples? I move, Sir, "That the right hon. Charles Abbot do take the Chair as Speaker." Mr. Baker took great pleasure in seconding the motion. He had witnessed. in the right hon. gentleman proposed to fill the chair, the most careful investigation of subjects the most intricate and laborious, and the frequent exertion of qualities the most essential to the discharge of the high duty which he was now proposed to fill. He came most happily recommended by the temper, moderation, and steadiness with which he had not only made the arrangements he had engaged in, but with which he had met the difficulties and the objections which he had to encounter in their prosecution. There was another circumstance which should also recommend him to the choice of the House; Mr. Abbot was at a time of life which permitted the House to look for his continuing long in the office; a circumstance which should not to be overlooked, as frequent changes were apt to obstruct the progress of public business. Mr. Sheridan said:-When the right hon. gentleman, now appointed to a very high office, was named as a proper person to fill the chair of this House, I had the misfortune to differ from those by whom he was proposed, and I proposed another. I will not mention the removal of that person without joining in the commendations bestowed on him, or without declaring that I think his present appointment a public benefit. Having, been of a different opinion from those by whom that gentleman was proposed, I should act wrong if I did not now hold a similar conduct; for the same motives remain. In pursuing this conduct, I disclaim all personal opposition. I join most warmly in the praises bestowed on the right hon. gentleman already proposed; but I cannot help condemning the practice of looking only to the law for persons to fill our chair. It was anciently the custom to look to individuals not holding offices dependent on the pleasure of the crown. It is the undoubted right of the crown to dispose of all offices dependent on the crown; but it is the right of the House to appoint its Speaker, and the House ought to be jealous of the disposal of an appointment peculiarly its own. If the House concurs always in appointing persons holding offices under government, it seems to me to be in some degree deferring to the crown. I believe the right hon. gentleman now proposed holds a place under the crown; but possibly he has resigned it. I have at one time said, that such resignations were not quite so decorous. It seems to be presuming too much on the certainty of being appointed to hold a nomination equivalent to an election. It is not so honourable in the House to seem to accept their Speaker from the nomination of a minister. I wish that we should stand free from the suspicion, and choose for ourselves; and I have no doubt that we can find persons fully qualified to fill the chair, without looking to that legal knowledge which is by no means requisite in order to fill it with dignity and impartiality. I have no doubt that we can find persons so qualified, independent of the crown, and free from party connexion. As to age, that indeed would be a material recommendation of the right hon. gentleman, if death alone were to remove him from the chair; but we have now had sufficient experience of the gentlemen of the law, to know that, though they call this the height of their ambition, yet, if if any thing higher should be offered to them, they leave us to lament the loss of their experience and abilities. It is under these impressions, that I propose Mr. Charles Dundas; at the same time assuring the right hon. gentleman proposed on the other side, that if he shall be elected, as, from the quarter from whence he is proposed I have no doubt he will be, his exertions in the chair shall have my cordial support. Lord George Cavendish seconded the motion. He acknowledged that Mr. Abbot possessed all the qualifications that had been ascribed to him, but he objected to his election, because he had so recently held an office under the crown. The same objection could not be urged against his hon. friend, whose other virtues and qualifications were so well known, that it was unnecessary for him to detain the House by enumerating them. Mr. Courtenay was glad to see the motion seconded by the noble lord, and fully concurred in the eulogium bestowed on the late Speaker, whose conduct in the chair had acquired him the unanimous approbation of the House. Neither did he doubt but that the learned gentleman who was proposed to succeed him, would exert similar abilities, when once placed in office. His occult qualities might then burst forth in all their lustre, though no person before had suspected their existence. Yet, with all these qualities to recommend him, he could not help thinking that there was another gentleman in the House (Mr. Addington) who possessed still more appropriate talents for the office, |