blew up in that part of Dublin called the Liberty of Meath. A powder mill, exist ing in such a place, was enough to excite suspicion; and still more the discoveries that followed the explosion. In or near the same house a large quantity of cartridges was found. A manufacture of pikes and other weapons was detected. If this unexpected discovery had made a proper impression, and if the most obvious precautions had been taken, I cannot but believe that the tragical event which followed, might have been prevented. Private letters, of considerable authority, lament and complain of the supineness of government. In the face of such facts, I cannot readily give credit to the accounts we have repeatedly heard in this House, of the general tranquillity which prevails over Ireland, and of the contented and peaceable temper of the natives. It is not natural, it is not credible, that all the causes of the opposite disposition should have been so readily forgotten, or that that disposition should have been so very soon extinguished. By fatal experience we are sure of the contrary. If it be said that the two kingdoms are united under one parliament, I ask in return, are the hearts of the Irish people united to Great Britain? If not, the union is a formality, and nothing else. The case is urgent indeed; I know of nothing that approaches to it in the magnitude of its consequences, if a real and effective course be not taken to prevent them. Nominal relief and speculative concessions will not convince the suffering majority of that people, that they really enjoy the same privileges, the same equality of government with ourselves, and that they are truly, and in fact as well as name, one nation with the English. Some days ago an hon. gentleman (Mr. Corry) proposed, and the House immediately granted, fifty thousand pounds to build churches in Ireland, and houses for the Protestant clergy to reside in. Where they have hitherto resided he did not mention. I then took the occasion to throw out an idea, which has long been revolving in my mind, and which I know prevails with several of my countrymen, and others much better acquainted with the internal state of Ireland than I am. I do not be lieve that what is yet left to make the emancipation of the Roman Catholics complete, is much regarded by the majority of that persuasion. The benefit of what remains to be done would reach but

to a few. The condition of the rest would be very little mended by total emancipation, unless it were accompanied, as it ought to be, by other concessions. One of the principal grievances of the Roman Catholics, and heavy it is indeed on all ranks of that part of the Irish people, from him, who has something like a house and cloaths to cover him, to the naked wretch, who pines and starves with a family of beggars in a mud cottage, is the cruelty and oppression of forcing them to pay double tithes for the support of two ecclesiastical establishments. The united legislature of the empire has it now in its power to give that essential relief, which the justice of the case demands, but which it would have been in vain to expect from an Irish parliament. I submit the measure, for its reason and its prudence, to the consideration of his majesty's ministers. I urge it on their attention, for its indispensable necessity. On the subject of Ireland I shall venture to offer you one salutary suggestion more, and with that I shall conclude. In all human dealing, particularly in acts of justice or benevolence, the form and the manner are as effective as the substance. The benefit is doubled, when it comes through a favourite channel. If the French are determined to attempt an invasion, their object, with any rational prospect of success, must be Ireland. Your military force in that country may be great; but there is a moral power of defence and security, which armies cannot give you. You have it within your reach, if you are wise enough to make use of it. The service to be done points out the person to be employed. To recover the affections of Ireland, there does not exist, the world does not furnish so powerful an instrument as the illustrious prince, to whose name and character I have alluded. That any heart, which he wishes to win, should resist him- I do not believe it possible. If with those personal qualifications, so eminently possessed by him, and so peculiarly suited to the occasion, he were allowed to carry with him the justice, or, if you will, the mercy of the legislature to the Catholics of that unhappy country, from that moment the union would be realised. The hearts of the people would gather round him. Alienation and despair would be converted into affection, and the whole power of the country be devoted to its defence.

Sir F. Burdett, alluding to an expres

in contributing to the direct service of the country. Rewards might be offered to those who were willing to volunteer the performance of important national services, and who might be deterred merely by the consideration that in their absence their families would remain without a provision. He would allude to another source of assistance; he meant the patriotic contributions of our fair country women. In a contest involving the preservation of all the charities and all the endearments of domestic life, he could not believe that they would be backward in patriotism. To their other charms he was confident they would add the charm of love to their country and their homes. -The hon. gentleman then proceeded to advert to the description of the force, to the individuals composing which his vote of thanks would be addressed. He was no military man, and professed no power to give the House information on the subject. In the course of many discussions which had lately taken place, it had however frequently occurred to him, that many of these details might have been well spared, whether proceeding from military or unmilitary members of the House. He must, in the face of authorities deservedly high in a military point of view, say, that, as a constitutional member of parliament, he thought the force which was now formed for the defence of the country one in which he was warranted in placing the amplest confidence. Military men were too apt to view every object with what they were pleased to call a military eye; but, with all their minuteness of observation, they were very apt to overlook one little fortress, which he should never cease to think of the highest importance, and that was the fortress of the constitution. If he were asked, whether he did not think a hundred thousand regular troops a more effectual body for the defence of the country than an equal number of militia, volunteers, and yeomanry, he certainly could have no difficulty in giving his answer. Undoubtedly, for every military purpose, such a regular force was superior. He would maintain, however, that in addition to a regular army of a certain magnitude, a force, consisting of militia, volunteers, and yeomanry, was a force more suited to the habits, the circumstances, the constitutional liberties of this country. In saying this he did not speak of an army for the purpose of carrying on a

continental war, but a force such as it behoved us to keep up when the necessity of cultivating military habits was more imperiously imposed on us by the ambition of a foreign enemy, whom nothing could satisfy short of our destruction. He liked the force the better, because it was of a diversified character. In the first instance the preference was given to the regular troops; the militia, the volunteer corps, and the yeomanry succeeded in their claims to distinction. There was in in such a force a connexion which must ever make it formidable to a foreign enemy. There was in its compositions a facility for separation, which, in a constitutional view, he should always regard with satisfaction. Great standing armies, however disciplined and powerful, were not to be implicitly trusted. He might refer to numerous examples in proof of this position. A most striking instance occurred in the army of France. Never was there an army better disciplined, more brave, or apparently more dependent on the throne; but that very army thus constituted, and on which every possible reliance was placed, in the course of a very few hours suffered the monarchy to be overturned, and the revolution to triumph. In making this allusion, it was the farthest in the world from his intention to impeach the loyalty of our regular army. On the contrary, he believed that no body of men were ever animated with truer or more affectionate attachment to their sovereign. He admired, however, the present constitution of our military force, as being exempted from the inconveniences and the evils which attached, to a certain degree, to all standing, exclusive, permanent armies. By such a constitution, the strength and efficiency of the whole was confirmed and consolidated. He liked the present attitude of the country, whether we looked forward to the continuance of war, or to the conclusion of peace.-On the subject of peace he should just say one word. He should be the ready advocate of peace, if it could be obtained on terms consistent with the national honour and safety. This, however, he would distinctly say, and he was sure that he spoke the language of his majesty's ministers when he made the declaration, that no peace could be formed, no negotiation could be listened to, no offer for negotiation could be accepted, while there was a hostile army in any part of the united empire. If he had

He

manry corps of the United Kingdom, for the zeal and promptitude with which, at a crisis the most momentous to their country, they have associated for its defence." General Gascoyne hoped that the motion would be unanimously adopted. thought, now that our regular army was so powerfully supported by the militia, and 300,000 volunteers, we should remove the seat of war out of our own dominions, and learn to threaten the threatener: we ought no longer to confine ourselves merely to defensive operations.

supposed it possible for ministers to have entertained contrary sentiments, he should have felt it his duty to have brought forward a distinct proposition, that the minister who should listen to so disgraceful a proposition, would deserve to be impeached, and to lose his head as the punishment of his infamy. He stated it distinctly, therefore, as what he conceived was the unalterable resolution of ministers, that no proposal for peace should be entertained, while a single French soldier had a footing on British ground. [This sentiment was universally applauded.]— The hon. gentleman, after this patriotic effusion, went on to recommend unanimity on this interesting occasion. He did not call on gentlemen to give up their opinions. He did not wish by any means to dictate to them the course of political conduct which they were to pursue. Within the walls of that House every man had a fair right fully and unequivocally to declare his opinions on public affairs. He might be permitted, however, to entreat of gentlemen, that as the period of their separation was now at hand, they would not utter such sentiments out of doors; that they would not resort to any measures which could damp the increasing ardour and energy of the country; that they would not lend the sanction of their names to sentiments which, coming from unauthorized sources, had never been received with any portion of favour. All that he asked of them was, to suspend their political animosities for a moment; not to represent the servants of the crown as weak and inefficient, at a moment when confidence in their exertions was so necessary to the salvation of the country; not to waste that time, and those talents in party spirit and intrigue, which might be so much more worthily employed in performing the sublime and animated duties of patriotism. This was a moment which called on every honest man to unite heart and hand in support of all that is dear to us as a great and free people, against the greatest danger with which we were ever threatened. Let but this small sacrifice be made to patriotism, and when they once more assembled in that House, they might resume their favourite pursuits, under the pleasing consciousness, that they had contributed their efforts to the general safety. The hon. gentleman then moved, "That the Thanks of this House be given to the several Volunteer and Yeo[VOL. XXXVI.]

Mr. Windham wished it were in his power to gratify the hon. mover; but while the hon. gentleman deprecated discussion, he threw out so many things to provoke it, that it was impossible his wish could be complied with. If the hon. gentleman imagined he was going to oppose the vote, he was mistaken. It was among the fancies of the hon. gentleman that he had spoken with disparagement of the militia and the volunteer corps. With respect to the volunteer corps, he had not a doubt of their zeal and spirit; and he was satisfied that in the day of trial they would serve their country in a way becoming Englishmen. He had said nothing to give offence to the militia. The whole amount of what he had said was, that with all the zeal and spirit which he always allowed them, they did not possess those qualities of soldiers which it was impossible to possess without having been in action. With respect to the motion, it was one to which a man was induced to give his assent, because he could not dissent without disapproving. He had no objection to a vote of thanks. It was here in some instances, as in public places, where one joined in the applause, because he could make no other noise which would not have the effect of censure. But, if he were to speak as a volunteer, he should say, "For God's sake, keep your thanks till we have done something to deserve them." It should be considered, that the volunteer corps were but just formed, and that many had chosen volunteer service to avoid compulsory service. It should be recollected, that at other times we had had volunteers, who had come forward without any influence or compulsion, and that no thought was entertained of bestowing on them, in the first instance, a vote like that now proposed. All that the House of Commons had to give to the most distinguished services by sea and land was its thanks; and when volunteer [5 Q]