Every body must allow, that the volunteers of the metropolis were much superior in discipline and efficiency to what could be expected from an equal number of men, raised by the levy en masse. It was, however a very good hint to men to turn volunteers, to know that if they did not, they might, in the course of a single month, find themselves in the ranks of common soldiers; subject to be tied up to the halberts, if they were to give a saucy answer to the serjeant. Mr. Windham said, that the hon. gentleman had shown all the zeal of a new convert, in supporting administration, and, like a raw recruit, had fired off his musket, without ascertaining where the enemy was. He contended, that all this complicated machinery brought forward by government for the defence of the country, was not likely to add a single man to its effective or disposable force. In speaking of the press, he allowed that it now showed some ardour and energy, but it acted like the hon. gentleman: first it did all the mischief it could, and set the world on fire, and now it came with its bucket of water to extinguish it. He then panegyrized Mr. Cobbett, who he said, merited a statue of gold for his conduct in America, before he came to this country. That writer had resolutely opposed all the bad principles which had been propogated for the last ten years on politics, including those which the hon. gentleman had so often urged in that House. Mr. Sheridan was happy the forms of a committee allowed him a second shot which he did not mean to fire in the air. He said, he was neither convert nor recruit. He had always, when the country was in a critical situation, lent his support to government; in this support, however, he was no recruit; he would accept neither rank nor pay, but should serve as a volunteer. He wished the right hon. gentleman would publish a book to be called "The art of raising the spirit of a country; by a late secretary at war;" for certainly the means taken by that right hon. gentleman in parliament, were the most whimsical that had ever been thought of: first, he endeavoured to persuade the people that the country was lost, unless one specific individual was made the minister; and that all their resources must be mismanaged and ill directed by the present government; secondly, that our honour was irrecoverably gone, and that our militia and volunteers were good for nothing. The Chancellor of the Exchequer de fended government from the charge of unnecessary delay. This measure could not with any propriety have been adopted until the foundation of the army of reserve had been first laid. He considered that there never was a man who more completely misconceived the means of raising the spirit of a country, than Mr. Windham appeared to have done, in endeavouring to lead the people to their duty, by instilling groundless fears and alarms. The bill went through the committee. Debate on Colonel Craufurd's Motion relative to the Defence of the Country.] Aug. 2. Colonel Craufurd rose to make his promised motion. Before he entered upon the subject, he assured the House it was his intention studiously to abstain from any details which, from being made public, might have an injurious tendency. He thought, however, that all this secrecy was needless. There could be no doubt but the situation of the country and of its coasts, were well known to the enemy. If we could take a peep into the Bureau de la Guerre at Paris, or into Buonaparte's cabinet, we should find plans-[Here Mr. Frankland moved the standing order of the House, for the exclusion of strangers: and the gallery remained shut for the remainder of the evening.]-The hon. officer concluded his speech with moving, "That, as it now appears to be in the contemplation of his majesty's government to erect works in the neighbourhood of London, in case an enemy should, by any extraordinary fortune of war, be able to approach the metropolis, it is the opinion of this House, that such a precaution will be highly wise and expedient; but that the efficacy of this and other measures of the same description, in different parts of the kingdom, must materially depend on their being executed before the disembarkation of an enemy shall have actually taken place: And the House will most cheerfully concur in granting to his majesty such powers, and making good such expenses as may be found necessary, for the most speedy and effectual accomplishment of these highly important objects."-Upon this, a long debate ensued, and an hon. member moved, "That the other orders of the day be now read." The only speech which has transpired with any sort must tell that hon. gentleman, that he of accuracy is the following: mistakes the constitution of our governMr. Francis said: Mr. Speaker, in sub-ment, if he conceives that this or any mitting my thoughts to the House on the other exercise of the prerogative is a perpresent motion, I hope I shall not be sus- sonal act of the sovereign. The king, in pected of pretending to military know his royal character, acts by the advice of ledge, or of thinking myself at all equal his privy council, and not otherwise. The to the discussion of questions purely mili- wise purpose of this institution is not only tary. But there are some points of very that the sovereign may have the benefit of great importance, which the motion natu- good advice, but that this House and the rally brings into view, and of which the nation may know how to direct their incommon sense of any man, without pro- quiries, and where to fix their censure, if fessional information, may form a rational bad advice should appear to have been opinion. On some of these, I request followed. The House, I believe, will your indulgence to be heard for a few misupport me in reprobating a doctrine, nutes. First, however, I think myself which converts the prerogative into bound to take notice of two things ad- personal will and pleasure, and annivanced by an hon. gentleman on the other hilates some of the principal functions of side (Mr. H. Brown), in answer to an parliament. The powers of war and hon. bart. (sir F. Burdett) behind me, of peace are generally vested in the crown. whom he affirmed that he was a declared But if, in the conduct of war, or in the partisan of universal suffrage, and had transaction of peace, you thought there maintained that dangerous opinion on oc- was ground for suspicion, or reason for casions, when it might be attended with inquiry, would you suffer ministers to the most mischievous consequences. What plead the prerogative in bar of your prothe hon. baronet may have said in other ceeding? Would you endure to hear places, I know not. On this night he has On this night he has them say, what certainly the doctrine not uttered one word to that effect, nor would warrant, "We have made war withdo I believe that he ever did maintain out necessity, and peace without security; such a doctrine in this House. On the but it is no affair of yours. War and contrary, I understand him to disclaim it. peace belong to the prerogative. We But the hon. gentleman is just as severe owe you no account, and we shall give you on every other idea of parliamentary re- no answer," I leave it to the hon. gentle. form, as on that, which he particularly, man to consider, in what manner parliaand as I think, justly reprobates. He ment ought to receive such language. I forgets how many great authorities, on believe they would soon teach the minisall sides of this House, and in all quarters ter, who held it, a very different lesson.of the country, are involved in that gene- The motion of the hon. officer fairly ral condemnation. Among the rest, he opens the debate to all manner of consiforgets that no man has gone further in derations connected with the war, partiexposing the defects in the representation, cularly with the expectation, for I disdain and in promoting a parliamentary reform, to call it the apprehension, of an invasion. than my right hon. friend (Mr. Tierney) If I rightly understand that part of the on the other side, who I am sure will secretary at war's speech, which related never disavow his opinion, or desert the to the probability of an invasion of this cause in which he was eminently distin- island by a French army, in force suffiguished, or the character of that society cient, not merely to do mischief, but to who acted with him in supporting it. The make a general and serious impression, hon. gentleman says, that military ap- and of its being attempted in the quarter pointments and commands exclusively against which it has been denounced, I conbelong to the crown, and that we should fess I am inclined to concur in his opinion. invade that part of the prerogative, To be convinced of the reality of such a if we attempted to inquire in what design, I shall wait, as he does, to see manner it was exercised. I hope I shall whether the enemy in fact have resolution be able to show that the question, inci- enough to come out of their harbours dentally brought under the consideration with the first division of their transports of the House, and to which this opinion to anchor in deep water, and to wait there is applied, is connected with national in- till the next tide for the second division, and terests, and ought not to be determined possibly, till the tide following for the third. solely by individual discretion. But I When I see that they have had the cou[VOL. XXXVI.] [5 P] rage to encounter, and the good fortune even decency in his behaviour. So much to escape all the dangers and difficulties the better for those who have to deal of such an operation, in the face of an with him, if they know how to use their enemy, who are masters of the sea, I shall advantage. But I see no reason yet to begin to believe that they seriously think believe, that in his political conduct, he is it practicable to invade England in that a mere idiot, who has not sense enough form, and that at all events they are de- to keep his own secret, much less to mistermined to make the attempt, that is, lead his opponent by false lights. Holland from the ports of Holland and Flanders, and Flanders are the only quarter where and to land on the coast of Essex. If harbours and vessels can be found, equal to their purpose be, as it is stated, to march so great an embarkation as could answer to London, of course they will endeavour any rational purpose of invasion; and with to land on that part of the coast which is no other stores and provisions than would nearest to their object. Sir, I am far be indispensably necessary at the lowest from wishing to abate preparation, or to computation. The distance is considerencourage any other idea of security but able. The management of a fleet of three that which depends on vigilance and or four hundred vessels is extremely diffiactivity. Still it is a point to be considered, cult, even without being disturbed by an whether the quarter in which the enemy enemy. To such a fleet, crowded with must expect to find you best prepared, landmen, the mere chances of the sea (because you have had most warning), be would be formidable. A long calm would that exactly in which you are most likely be a great distress; a gale of wind might to be attacked. A mistake in that spe- be fatal. The wind must not only be culation, may leave you open in some favourable, but moderate. A short pasplace, where you are much more vul- sage would be essential to success; but nerable. Some of the reasons for the then it must blow fresh, which would affirmative are rather extraordinary. Buo- bring them on a lee shore, where they naparté has publicly and solemnly pro- would find such a surf, as a great fleet so mised France, and threatened England, filled could not encounter without very that he will invade this island, and considerable risk. Let it be granted, nemarch to the capital. He has engaged vertheless, that by dint of good fortune, his word to his army, and to all Eu- they have crossed the sea, and landed rope of course he must keep it. He their army on the coast-What sort of has pledged his honour, and he is bound an army will it be? without cavalry, withto redeem it. Characters are easily out artillery, except perhaps a few fieldmade and unmade to suit an argument. pieces, and with just as much ammunition Up to this period we have heard of no- and bread as every soldier can carry for thing but the flagitious perfidy and false- his own use. I shall even admit that, by hood of Buonaparté; that he is incapable some means or other, inconceivable to my of truth, and insensible of shame. But now, understanding, they are permitted to all of a sudden, he is turned into a person march to London. On that supposition of such strict veracity, and scrupulous ho- I shall only say, that this land would not nour, that having once made a voluntary deserve the name of England, it would promise, or contracted a voluntary en- not be a country, in which a man of comgagement, he would risk the fate of his mon spirit would wish to exist, if a single army and of his government, as well as his soldier of that army returned to France, own, sooner than break it; as if the very otherwise than by our permission.demonstration he holds out might not be Sir, it is not my intention to look back a part of his policy, and intended to divert for any purpose of finding fault. I shall our attention from his real purpose. I not inquire now, whether the measures of have nothing to do with the morals of this government, for raising the greatest posman; but I am very unwilling to let him sible national force, were the wisest in pass for a fool, lest we ourselves should themselves, or whether some of them be the dupes and possibly the victims of a ought not to have been undertaken at an false conception of his character. If the earlier period. In every thing that is accounts we have heard of his personal well intended to resist and defeat the pro deportment, and of the language he some-jects of France, there can be no difference times holds, be true, as I dare say they are, he is evidently a man without discretion in his conversation or temper, or of feeling in this House. At a numercus meeting of the county of Surrey, where I attended yesterday, there was but one think and feel of the injury he suffers by that refusal. On that subject, therefore, I shall say nothing but what I should have equally said, on public ground, if I had not had the honour of being personally known to him. When the heir apparent, when the first subject, and the second person of the kingdom, desires nothing but that he may be allowed to share in the danger, and to contribute to the defence of his country, it is difficult to conceive, on what principle a request so reasonable and so honourable could have been refused. To say nothing of personal merits, is it fair that he alone, of all his illustrious family, should be excluded from such station and leading in the army, as might in some degree be suitable to his rank, as might give him an opportunity of acting up to his principles, and of showing the nation that he is worthy of the place he holds, and fit to stand first in the succession to the crown? To such a man, so stationed and so acting, is it just, is it honest to say, "He may live in obscurity, he may enjoy in retirement, the provision which parliament has made for his subsistence? His royal brothers shall be invited into action, but, as for the prince of Wales, we shall take care that the true spirit of his character shall not be understood. All means of acquiring personal honour, in this great emergency, shall be denied him. The nation shall not know how much he deserves their affections, or whether, beyond a mere legal right, he has any moral pretensions or generous qualifications to entitle him, to govern them hereafter." Sir, I am of opinion, that the character of the prince of Wales is public property, and that whatever is said or done to lower it in the estimation of the country is a public injury. We have a right to his services, and above all to his example. It is not what his single hand can do. Any other individual may do as much. I look to his appearance in the front of the contest, for the general animation it would inspire, for the spirit it would excite. What right have you to deprive the army and the people of the benefit of an example; which, you well know, the meanest man in the kingdom would be ashamed not to follow? another view of your preparation, I see another great defect. I speak of things, not of persons; and surely it ought to be superfluous for me to say, that I have no wish to disparage any man. and least of all, his royal highness the duke of York. voice and one sentiment on this subject. If it depended on me, the same unanimity should prevail here. Then comes the question, whether ministers have done all that they ought to do to establish that unanimity and to turn it to the best account? Of the utility of the measure referred to in the motion I do not pretend to be a competent judge. But this conclusion at least is indisputable, that, if a plan to surround London with lines or redoubts be adviseable, the execution of it ought not to be deferred till the enemy shall have landed. Works of so great an extent cannot be attempted, much less could they be well executed in the face of an enemy. If they are undertaken in a hurry, they will be executed in confusion, and probably do more harm than good. Imperfect defences, hastily erected, are soon overset, and in some cases turned against you. In looking to the other military measures adopted by government, for the security of the country, I am willing to presume that a sufficient force is provided. Is that all? Have they done enough? Have they omitted nothing indispensably necessary to a wise and vigorous application of the force in their hands? On the best of my judgment, and with the deepest conviction, my answer is, that their preparations are defective in two essential articles. The subject I know is delicate as well as important, and I hope to be heard with a favourable construction. By inrolling the nation, by raising a great body of men, by organizing these men under a variety of titles, and furnishing them with arms, all you have gained is a material or instrumental power. What I apprehend is, that, without other conditions and properties, the mass of such a power may be unmanageable and inactive, if not dangerous. The power must be animated by a great pervading spirit, to give it life and motion; and then it must be directed by wisdom and experience. Have ministers taken the most effectual course to call out such a spirit, and to provide for such a direction? Before the subject was introduced this night by my hon. friend (Mr. Barham), it was not unknown to me that an offer had been made by an illustrious personage, of his services in the present crisis; that he had requested to be employed wherever his appearance and example might be most effectual, and that his offer had been positively rejected. My attachment to his royal highness bars me from saying much of what I In If the first general whom this country has quarter, in which an invasion is most produced, if John duke of Marlborough likely to be attempted, or in which we were at the head of the army, I should are not best prepared and most able to say to him, what I say now, "Your repel it? Is it likely that the enemy occupations, your labours and your cares will make their attack on that part of are more than any single person is equal the empire, where they are sure to to. Without the advice and assistance of find a powerful direct resistance, supa council to relieve you in the detail of ported by the union as well as coubusiness, to examine plans, to decide rage of the whole people; and that they questions as they occur, and occasionally will neglect another avenue of invato act in your absence, it is not possible sion, where, falsely I hope, but not unnafor you to give due attention to the other turally, they may expect to meet with and still more urgent duties of your com- less resistance, and some co-operation. mand." When I speak of a council, Sir, I hope his majesty's ministers have done it is not with a view to direct or control something more effectual for the security the commander-in-chief in action or in of Ireland, than by furnishing the governthe field; to instruct hire where to march, ment there with many copies of a loyal when to fight, or how to retreat. These address and a vigorous act of parliament. things for the most part belong to instant Assistance of that kind may be dispatched execution, and cannot in their nature be in a day; but I hope it will not be desubject to a distant council. What I al-pended on without supplies of another lude to would be such a military council as that which succeeded with our enemies in the course of the late war, as long as they made use of it. I mean the stationary council at Paris, of which Carnot was a member. I forget the other names. They prepared and digested the general plan of the campaign. They concerted general measures, and corresponded on every event with the commanders in the field and I well remember, that the success of those campaigns was universally attributed to the wisdom of that council. Sir, the merit of delivering this opinion does not originate here. We owe it to the wisdom and resolution of a noble lord (earl of Suffolk), whom I have the honour and the happiness to call my friend, that advice to this effect has been offered in another place, where undoubtedly it was received with benignity, and must have made a due impression. For that act of public and personal spirit, he deserves the gratitude, and something more than the gratitude of his country. Whatever pretences may be set up to the contrary, I cannot think it possible that any member of this House should, in his heart and conscience, disapprove of the measure. If it be rejected on a division, considering the nature of the question, the real sense of the House will be proved by the strength of the minority. On the whole, my conclusion is, that the mass of your force is sufficient. Let that mass be animated by great examples, and governed by wisdom, and then let the designs of the enemy be what they may, this island is safe. But is it true that this is the nature. Pikes and bayonets are not to be opposed with paper. Against treason and rebellion, co-operating with invasion, if that should be attempted, a sufficient increase of real force must be provided, and no time lost in sending it. Concerning the actual government of that kingdom, I wish I could speak with entire and unreserved approbation. Though I have not the honour of knowing the noble lord (earl of Hardwicke) who is at the head of it, I willingly assent to the character lately given of him in this House. Courtesy, justice, and moderation are great and useful qualities in the government of any country, particularly of Ireland. But in these times, and in the actual situation of Ireland, other qualities are required. They call for vigilance and vigour, as well as justice and moderation. But of vigilance and vigour, at the moment when they were most wanted, I see no evidence. The Irish council appear to me not only not to have had, as surely they might, any previous intelligence of an intended insurrection, or any suspicion, as they ought to have had, of a rebellious conspiracy against his majesty's government, in prosecution of which the outrages were committed, but not even to have taken warning from an extraordinary discovery, made by accident, which ought to have put the council on its guard, which ought to have roused their attention, and engaged them to redouble their precautions, at least, for the safety of the capital. The insurrection happened on Saturday the 23rd of July. On the preceding Monday a powder mill by accident |