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freaks of vengeance they would practise with us; they would not leave us like Flanders, or Holland, or Swisserland, or Genoa, or countries, which while they pillaged, they would seek to make productive through the same means by which they formerly flourished: after removing whatever was worth removal, delivering over the rest to general plunder, and de

danger, the greater the danger, the less they ought to be apprized of it. The fact was, that those entrusted with the government, were bound by every tie early to possess the country with a knowledge of its situation, in order to give full and timely effect to those exertions, which would not fail to be made: at the same time, as in a matter of this sort, nothing which was capable of being otherwise pro-stroying all the sources of future greatvided for, ought to be left to chance, it was fit that powers, such as were now proposed, should be deposited with government, to be used by them, should the occasion require it, and to operate in the meanwhile as a stimulus to the voluntary exertions, were it to happen, that these should, in any part, prove deficient. He was, therefore, clearly of opinion, in favour of the existence of these powers, as he was, that they should be used sparingly, and only in case the voluntary exertions should not be found equal to what was expected. It was impossible not to contrast to the slow and toilsome march of the measure now proposed, the speedy effect which might have been produced, had they adopted at once the mode of establishing small depositories of arms, in different parts, and sent down proper officers to instruct the people in-firing with ball. That measure would have begun to take effect, from the very moment that the adoption of it was decided upon. All that seemed to be wanted, at the present crisis, was, to impress the people with a due sense of their danger, and then to give a right direction to the exertions which that conviction could not fail to produce. The means of the country were equal to any thing; and the disposition to employ them would never be wanting, when once the necessity was pointed out. The motives indeed were such, as had hardly ever existed in any other case, and were equally calculated to operate upon the selfish and the sordid, as upon the patriotic and the highminded. The destruction of this country, should it once be accomplished would not be like that of any of the other countries, which have fallen under the French yoke. Other countries, when subdued, they would consider probably as part of themselves, and treat accordingly. But there was no reason for thinking, that such would be their conduct towards this country, were a case so dreadful ever to happen, as the one which would bring that question to the test. It was impossible to say what

ness, they would probably cast the island, as it were, to the dogs, or use it only as a place of growth for timber, and of men to man their ships. They would send us back to the woods; to the same state as we were in, when the country was first visited and conquered by their predecessors the Romans. Of what use would the island be to them? They had land enough of their own, of a better quality, and under a far better climate. They wanted neither our harbours nor our rivers. Why should the lords of the Rhine, the Meuse, the Seine, the Garonne, of all the ports of Holland, of France, and of Spain, come to England for the use of the Thames: or of the harbours of Portsmouth and Plymouth? Let no man flatter himself, therefore, that he can be saved in the general wreck; and since few, it was to be hoped, would be so foolish, even if they could be base enough, to act upon such an idea; let no man doubt of the exertions of the country, after the country should be once satisfied of the danger. This was the first step to be taken, namely, to satisfy the people that their exertions were necessary. The notion that this would produce panic, he, for one, would not admit. But if it would, so much the more necessary was it, that that panic should be produced in time, in order that it might be over, and the first agitation subsided before the crisis actually arrived. That the exertions of the people would then be great, he was the last to doubt. He could not help here lamenting the systematic pains that had long been taken to extinguish among the common people those qualities of body and mind of which we were inclined at all times to talk so boastingly, and on which we were now, it seems, to place our chief dependence. In allusion to something which he had said the other day upon that subject, an hon. gentleman had asked, whether he meant bull-baiting, and what the courage was, of turning loose animals of one species to torment and worry those of another? He would only

[1642 advert to the question so far as to say that Sir F. Burdett said, that if ministers he did not mean bull-baiting, though he really wished on this occasion to conciliate did mean what many would consider the hearts and wishes of the people, they as of the same sort, namely, those athletic should begin by repealing all the oppres sports and hardy contests, which hereto- sive and unconstitutional acts of their fore made the delight of the common predecessors. In that case he would people, and which, in a way suited to answer for it, they would not fail of their their capacities and habits, trained them object. as those Gothic practices, the tilts and tournaments of old, did persons of better condition, to every generous and manly sentiment. As to the courage of bullbaiting, he could say but little for it; but might at least put it upon a level with that of a set of gentlemen, who in fancied coats, and upon prancing horses, cracking their whips, and rending the air with their shouts, were inciting forty or fifty savage animals to pursue to destruction a poor hare or fox.-Upon the whole, he thought it perfectly right, that powers such as those proposed by the act, should be vested in the executive government; but that government should not be in haste to make use of them, till it should be seen what might be hoped from exertions purely voluntary. It was likewise of great consequence that government should exert its influence to give to these voluntary exertions a right direction, without which they might prove injurious instead of useful.

Mr. Pitt said:-I feel sincerely happy that this measure has been at length brought before the House, as it affords a prospect of that vigour which is necessary in the present conjuncture. I approve of its principle and object. I have always been of opinion that such a measure was essentially necessary, in order to put the question as to our domestic security beyond all doubt. In its structure there is nothing new to our history; in its tendency there is nothing ungrateful to our habits: it embraces the interests, it avails itself of the energies, and it promises to establish the security of the country. Its object is the safety of all. It is perfectly agreeable to the best institutions of civilized society, and has for its basis the rudiments of our constitutional history. It is obvious, that unless we make efforts adequate to the crisis in which we are placed, the country is insecure, and if those efforts cannot be effectual without compulsion, no man Lord Hawkesbury contended, that this can entertain a doubt of the propriety of bill united as much as possible the en- resorting to it; but I have a confident couragement due to the volunteer system, expectation that compulsion will be unnewith that compulsion, which in some in-cessary. By his majesty's prerogative, stances the right hon. gentleman was an advocate for. Wherever the number of volunteers in any district amounted to half the persons subject to be enrolled, then the bill ceased to operate. As to the general charges of supineness and want of precaution, he could only answer for ministers, that the army of this country was at present (combining quality with number) as strong as at any former period; and would soon be every way superior to what it had ever been. He agreed, that if we were base enough to let ourselves be conquered, our condition would be worse than that of other enslaved nations. France would wreak her vengeance on us for the many disgraces and defeats that she had received from us. But if London, or twenty Londons, should fall into the hands of the French, the country would be still unconquered; for while a single acre of British ground remained unsubdued, it must and would be defended.

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he has it in his power, whenever the country is threatened with invasion, to call out all his subjects for its defence; and the object of the measure is, that the people when called out should be trained to military evolutions-should be capable of conforming to orders without confusion or delay-of collecting with celerity, and acting with decision. Such a plan is highly desirable. The training of the people, however, should be prompt. The efforts of those to be entrusted with the execution of this important duty should be unremitted, until the country shall be secure against any attacks of the enemy. The amount of our danger it would be impolitic to conceal from the people. It is quite impossible that a people should make adequate efforts to resist a danger, of the nature and extent of which they are kept in igno. rance. Upon these grounds I disapprove of the outcry so often raised against my right hon. friend and others, who have

Leave was given, and the bill was brought in and read a first and second time.

July 22. On the question that the bill do pass,

a sense of the danger which was hanging over their heads, at a time when they did not appear to be aware of it. The language of his right hon. friend had been represented as the effects of a disposition to view things in a desponding Colonel Craufurd said, that although it light. But at length his majesty's miniswas impossible for any man to feel more ters must acknowledge, that his right hon. forcibly than he did, how essential to our friend had spoken only the language of safety it is that we should place our chief truth. Since the treaty of Amiens the reliance on an army of regular troops French government had dared to assert, under experienced officers, yet, on the that England,_single-handed, could not other hand, no man attached greater im- contend with France; and the honour of portance than he did to the advantages this country now required, that we should that must result from the measure now not make peace until we had made France under discussion. The best army in the feel that we defied her menaces. But alworld might be defeated; but such an army though he was convinced that we possessed as he wished to see, backed by such a mass within ourselves sufficient means for mainof irregular force as this bill was calculated taining such a contest, yet it could not be to produce, must be invincible. He denied that it was an arduous one, and believed therefore that the government that it called for the utmost exertion of never had proposed, nor parliament adopt-all our energy, improved by every means ed, a measure more important than this is; which the military art can suggest. The and if it should please God so far to present bill, and that which had lately crown the efforts of our navy with suc-passed, would no doubt add very greatly cess as to prevent the invasion taking to our security, provided it should please place until the late and present hills God to enable our navy to prevent invashould have produced their full effect, and sion from taking place until they had had the force of the country should be array- time to operate. This, however, would ed; then indeed we should be in such an be a work of some time; and in the meanattitude of strength as would enable us to while we should be, with respect to our bid defiance to the whole world. No enemy, in a state of comparative weakman could value more highly than he did ness. Every measure which appeared to the efforts of an armed people acting in be best, in a purely military point of view co-operation and support of the regular ought then to have been adopted, witharmy. In a paper which he presented to his out reference to other considerations; and majesty's ministers before the Army of he therefore lamented that more prompt Reserve bill was brought in, he strongly and effectual means had not been resorted expressed his wish that the great mass of to for the immediately increasing the the peasantry might be prepared to take strength of the old regular regiments of an active part in defence of the country; infantry of the line. When he lately asand therefore no man could feel more serted it to be his opinion that the enemy pleasure than he did in voting for a bill might land an army of 60 or 70,000 men which was calculated to produce that within a few days march of the capital, effect. But exclusive of the real physical and that unless we had a large army of strength that we should gain by this mea- regular troops to oppose him, we should sure, it would also be attended with moral be in danger of seeing London fall into advantages of no less magnitude. By his hands, in answer to the first of these passing this bill parliament proclaimed to assertions, he had been told by his majes the people that their country is in danger ty's ministers and others, that he argued it called upon them to take up arms, and upon that as a probability which, in fact, to prove to the universe that they were could at most be considered as barely prepared to repel the attacks of all the possible; that he seemed entirely to overenemies in the world. This bill did at look the difficulties which the enemy last confirm the truth of that language would have to encounter, the opposition which had been so often held in this House of our navy, the uncertainty of the winds by a right hon. gentleman (Mr. Wind- the difference of the tides, and he knew ham), whom he considered as entitled to not what other impediments, which made it the eternal gratitude of his countrymen wholly improbable that such a disembarkafor his patriotic efforts to awaken them to tion should be effected. But when the