existed previously to the war? We were | doubtless, in the most strenuous manner, not bound to interfere on account of any aggression by other powers, or of any internal commotions in the state. If France attempted the dismemberment of Turkey, it was a breach of faith, it was a violation of treaty, and afforded a good ground for a declaration of war on the part of England. Was not the same degree of reliance to be placed upon the honour of the French, as of every other government? The learned doctor said, No; and averred, that French perfidy was seen in the chief consul having, since the signature of the preliminaries with England, ratified a treaty with Portugal, which, according to the assurance of the noble secretary of state, he had agreed to cancel. But to him the explanation of the noble secretary was perfectly satisfactory, and thoroughly vindicated Buonaparté against the charge of infidelity to his engagements. The learned doctor would do well to wait until an official copy of the treaty in question could be produced, instead of indulging himself in rash and ill-grounded invective. -Another objection made to the preliminaries by the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Windham) and the learned doctor was, that no provision was introduced for the security of the royalists, who had joined our standard, and co-operated with us to effect the restoration of monarchical government. General Menou, it was said, had bargained, in the capitulation of Alexandria, for the security of all persons who had taken up arms against their own government, and had aided his attempt to separate Egypt from the Turkish empire; but would gentlemen therefore say, that England, in offering a projet of peace to France, should have insisted upon a positive stipulation, that safe return and adequate provision should be granted to all those who had used every endeavour to overturn the existing government in that country? There existed no analogy between the two cases. Was any such article inserted in the projet at Lisle? Certainly not. Was any such provision to be found in the treaty with our American colonies? Certainly not. For his part, he greatly doubted whether France would have consented to treat at all, if the preliminaries had contained a condition on the part of his majesty in behalf of those whom the French government, whose legitimacy we had now acknowledged, regarded in no other light than rebels. His majesty's ministers had

recommended those unfortunate royalists to the protection and humanity of the first consul. What more could they have done? It was all which, consistently with propriety, could have been brought forward, and all which they promised in the proclamation quoted by the learned doctor. This proclamation from the king, in the early part of the war, invited such as were discontented with the existing order of things in France, to join the British standard, and held out to them an assurance of protection, but what degree of protection did it pledge? It stated that every support should be given to them "which the nature of the case would admit." How then had his majesty's government broken faith with the French royalists? He was ready to believe, without calling upon them for any declaration whatever, that they had urged their pitiable condition with the greatest force; and that they would still continue to show the greatest possible attention to their interests. Of the peace itself, he was free to avow, that it commanded his full and unqualified approbation. He would state the principle upon which he gave his vote in favour of the preliminaries? It was, that such a peace was far preferable to the continuance of the war, and that the chance of obtaining an island or two was not worth the blood and treasure which would necessarily be expended in another campaign. He was a stranger to those gloomy appre hensions, as to the insecurity of this peace, which were entertained by some. energies of the British nation had been frequently exhibited during the war; and he was at a loss to discover why our dominions, being increased so considerably, we should be less equal to the defence of our territories in another than in the past contest. Instead of suffering a low and depressed state of spirits, his mind exulted with joy. He gave credit to ministers for having concluded the best peace, which the circumstances of the country would allow. He was convinced that they had acted from the purest motives. Than the right hon. gentleman at the head of his majesty's councils, whom he was proud to call his tried and faithful friend, from earliest youth (the chancellor of the exchequer), a man of more private integrity and public virtue did not exist. With the greatest pleasure he gave his assent to the preliminaries; and

The

tal power; but he believed few gentlemen of this country. That island, from its considered every part of the united king- situation, fortifications, and harbour, was dom, as well as of our extensive colonies, invaluable to this country; and so long as as equally secure from France. Un- we held possession of it, France could doubtedly, by blockading her ports, and never look towards Egypt and Syria as destroying her trade, France might have the road to molest us in India. The been induced, within some indefinite Levant trade, although at present incontime, to accede to better terms than the siderable, was, he believed, chiefly to be present, but the dangers and evils likely attributed to the most unwise monopoly to arise from lengthening the contest, no granted to the Turkey company, who do terms could, in his mind, compensate for. not themselves use it, yet by their charter The addition of forty millions a year to precluded others from benefiting. As to national debt, exclusive of keeping many the West India islands, we had still as hundred thousands of our most valuable many of them as could be for the interest subjects idle, who could be employed in of the country; and, unless those we had agriculture, manufactures, and the im- could be retained at a less expense of provement of the country; considering blood and treasure, we had better be the present state of our finances, as well without them. The Cape of Good Hope, as the burthens of the people, were undoubtedly, should France re-establish weighty reasons with ministers for con- her marine, might be of consequence; cluding the present peace. But there but under the present circumstances he were many other cogent reasons, in the had doubts. Ceylon was of infinite impresent state of Europe, which justified portance, on account of its harbour; as them in putting an end to so ruinous a was the Island of Trinidad, in the West contest. Gentleman cannot have so soon lndies, for the same reason. Under all forgotten the confederacy of the northern circumstances, he felt infinite obligations powers to destroy the most important to ministers for putting an end to the interests of this country; and, although war; and particularly to his right hon. the contest is for the present at an end, friend the present minister, who, in an may we not reasonably conjecture that hour of difficulty and danger, charged Denmark and Sweden are not still so well himself with the helm of the state, and disposed towards us, as their own real had for the present brought her safely interests ought to have led them to be? into port. Russia, indeed, was now governed by a wise and just prince; yet, who would stake the security of their country upon the life of an individual? What reliance could be had upon the crooked policy of Prussia? and Austria, had she even the ability, has she still the inclination to renew the contest? Could we expect from Turkey any important assistance, at a time when she can scarcely prevent her own tottering empire from falling to pieces? Under these untoward circumstances, was England to wage war against France, for the object of reducing her continental power, at the time that these powers upon the continent most interested had themselves confirmed it? Such conduct would have been more wild than the adventures of Don Quixote. No person more regretted than he did the overgrown power of France; but no one could foresee but that very power, which was at present so formidable, might contain in it the seeds of its own dissolution. In regard to the conquests which were to be restored, excepting Malta, none appeared to him to be very material to the interests

Mr. Ellison repelled the idea, that the country was in a state of humiliation; on the contrary, he thought her recent conduct peculiarly glorious to her. She was true to her allies, and adequately asserted her own honour and interests. thanked ministers for what they had done. The peace, he trusted, would unite every heart and hand in the country in support of its government.

He

Mr. Nicholls was confident that the peace would prove safe with respect to this country in every point of view. He expressed his conviction of the sincerity of the French government. Much seemed to be apprehended from France becoming a commercial nation; that her character in that respect would alter, he wished. He would rather see her attention turned to her commerce and colonies, than her power employed in hostile or destructive projects. In this view he wished she might regain the entire possession of St. Domingo, and he wished it with a view to the safety of our own West India Islands, and of Jamaica in particular; for in the present situation of St. Domingo, that

invaluable island could not be safe. He | by what had fallen from the hon. gentlealso regarded the peace with satisfaction man who spoke last, he understood, that as the basis of reciprocal commercial those hon. gentlemen who so highly disbenefits, and of the renewal of the com- approved of the peace, were countenanced mercial treaty with France. He firmly in that disapprobation by the feelings and believed that the present treaty was made opinions of the disaffected; and that so in the true spirit of reconciliation, and he far as their feelings were hurt at the peace, gave ministers full credit for their conduct those feelings (unexpectedly no doubt by in procuring it for the country. At the them) were in unison with those of the same time, he was induced to commend United Irish. His right hon. friend who the moderation displayed by Buonaparté, had led the debate that evening, seemed particularly with respect to Austria, to think that peace could not be sincerely which, he thought, was highly honoura- made on both sides, or firmly established ble to him. If riches were the object of with France, until, not only the governthe French, they, who were an enlightened ment and political principles of France and wise people, well knew that they were were changed, but even the morals and not to be acquired by the means of plun- manners of her people were radically der and pillage. Such a line of conduct reformed. With respect to these meanever made a nation rich, or Algiers sures, he should observe, that an answer would be one of the richest countries in to them all was comprised in a question the world. No, the French were well asked by that hon. gentleman himself:aware, that it was alone by habits of "Are we never to be at Peace?" He peace and industry that riches were to be would answer-" Yes ;" and at the same acquired, and by commercial pursuits, time would say, that he hoped and trusted, which it was obvious could alone be suc- that, upon the principles cited from his cessfully cultivated in the interval of peace. right hon. friend, the government or the Mr. Babington spoke in favour of the parliament of Great Britain would never peace, and adverted to the article between be influenced to act. He had the highFrance and England, respecting the est respect for the character of his right guarantee of integrity to the Turkish hon. friend. He well knew the uprightterritories, which principle he treated as ness and firmness of his principles, and highly impolitic and dangerous. He en- the ardour and sincerity of his patriotism. tertained a jealousy with respect to guaran- His regret at differing from him in points tees in general, though he was aware that of such incalculable importance was, circumstances might arise which might therefore, the more considerable. render such measures expedient. He right hon. friend had seemed to start at considered Russia and Austria as the the bare idea of an end to our resources: natural allies of this country, and as form- With respect to these, he certainly could ing the most efficacious reciprocal checks not say they were inexhaustible; yet, upon France. God be thanked, the national resources were far from being in that situation which some gentlemen seemed to consider them; and he would observe in the contemplation of their being farther removed from such a state, that he rejoiced that the sovereign had yielded to the advice of his confidential servants, in consenting to the preliminaries of peace. With respect to what had been said, in a comparative view, in regard to the negotiations at Lisle, he contended, that, in the way of argument, those who defended the preliminaries had a right to put the case as they had done; and that the House, which approved of the negotiation at Lisle, could not, in consistency or justice, refuse their approbation in this instance. It had been said, that the continental power of France was not abridged, and that Britain was confessedly unable to

Mr. R. Thornton approved of the peace, for which he thought ministers deserved the thanks and gratitude of the country: it was the more acceptable, because unexpected by the great body of the people; and he had reason to think ministers had obtained the most favour able terms that could be had. France might be increased in bulk; but she was not proportionally so in real strength and muscle. Peace was desirable at almost any rate.

Mr. G. Ogle observed, that there was not a loyal man in Ireland who did not receive the tidings of the peace with joy and satisfaction; and, on the contrary, there was not a rebel, or a disaffected individual, who did not receive it with disapprobation and regret.

Mr. Chancellor Addington said, that

His