support the rights and redress the wrongs with a view to put an end to the evils of of minor powers, and to oppose a suc- war, than we should have been had we cessful resistance to the encroachments of sought peace by the desertion of our ambition. They are the principles which allies, and an abandonment of the cause (more than any passionate and national of Europe.-But, far be it from me to opposition to France, proved, as France enter upon those topics in order to call has been by so many facts, to be the rival forth difference of opinion. I allude to and almost the national enemy of this them to show that the principles I now country) led us not to consider the name applaud are not new to me. My appro of any particular state, or the prejudices bation of them is recorded in my past of local situation, or the dictates of sepa- conduct. I am glad the hon. gentleman rate interest, but prompted us to set our- has proclaimed them with so much preciselves in opposition to any power, both sion and force: I hope they will have as, in the first instance, it threatened the the benefit of his great authority, and the repose and the rights of other states; and, recommendation of his great talents (and in the second, as it affected the inde- greater authority they cannot have), to pendence and security of Great Britain. remove objections which have sheltered I rejoice to be able, on this occasion, to themselves, perhaps more than there was agree with the hon. gentleman in his ground for, under his name, against all general principles, though I cannot but common cause with the rest of Europe, remember there have been times when and against sacrificing, in any circumthe hon. gentleman differed from me, on stances, the least portion of British in. the application of those principles, with a terests, for the balance and preservation vehemence that looked very like an en- of the continent. But, while I approve tire condemnation of them. If, however, the principle of keeping a watchful eye he does admit the principles, I rejoice, upon the state of the continent, I do not for the sake of the country, that he has mean that, upon every movement, we stated them in a manner so clear, so just, ought to interfere with continental affairs. and so satisfactory. They are the prin- All I say is, that no great convulsion, ciples on which the greatness, the glory, which shall unhinge the established inand the prosperity of this nation have terests, and dissolve former relations, can been reared; and never were they take place without involving consequences struggled for more gloriously than they highly important to Great Britain. We were during the last war: and it was only are not bound, however, to take upon when I saw myself compelled, by adverse ourselves to interfere, even when intercircumstances, to despair of the effect of ference would be desirable, unless we are their application, that I looked to any se- joined by those whose co-operation would parate arrangements for this country. be necessary to give effect to that interThey are the principles upon which I ference. But, whether for a season of found myself justified in proposing to this war or of peace-whether in the view of House large subsidies to continental giving energy to our arms, or security to powers; they are the principles on which our repose-whether with a view of preI have thought that it was justifiable to venting war by negotiation, or restoring sacrifice our private and separate interests peace after war has broken out, it is the to procure greater advantages for our duty of the ministers of this country to allies, and to promote and consolidate the avail themselves of the good offices of security of the general system of Europe; powers with whom it must be the interest they are the principles that supported me of this country to be united in alliance.when I found myself obliged to differ from The hon. gentleman very properly avoided several friends, for whose talents and opi- detailing any mode in which the princinions I entertain the highest respect, ples he laid down might be applied to the about the manner in which the war was mediation of Russia. Indeed, it is imterminated. It was those principles possible to point out the mode of appliwhich, after there was no longer any hope cation, without knowing exactly the cirof improving the situation of the conti- cumstances in which it would be exerted. nent, and promoting the security of the I shall therefore, upon the whole, follow general system of Europe, by any separate the hon. gentleman's example. It will efforts of our own, led me to think, that in appear whimsical, however, if I now seem making terms for ourselves, we were more to narrow the principle of continental poat liberty to yield considerable sacrifices,licy, which the hon. gentleman has sanc tioned. This, nevertheless, I venture to state-that if there can arise out of the mediation of Russia, any chance of producing a general system on which peace could be restored, and confirmed by respectable guarantees a peace by which not only the objects in dispute between Great Britain and France, but other points relative to the state of Europe, could be adjusted—it would be a consummation so important, that, to obtain it, some arrangement, even less advantageous to this country, in a separate view, would be admissible. What that arrangement should be, either as to the general system or our particular interest, it is impossible beforehand to determine: it will depend upon all the circumstances of the case. On the other hand, if that system were not attainable, our interest would prescribe other views and other precautions. Though unwilling to separate ourselves from the continent; though willing to make some deduction from the sum of our own demands, and from the means of separate security to augment the strength of the general system, it might happen that we should be left, without any fault of our own, to maintain a separate struggle. If we know that France entertains views of hostility towards us-if we know that we have in our hands strong and impregnable means of resistance powerful and effectual means to defeat that hostility with which we have been particularly threatened-then would it be especially incumbent on us to provide, that any substitute for our security, which a general arrangement would afford, should be solid and efficient. If our security is to depend upon our own single efforts, and to be maintained by our own separate arrangements, we have in our power the means; nor shall we put to hazard by a feeble policy what British valour has gained. To consolidate our security by the general security of Europe, is undoubtedly desirable; as well as to provide for it by particular and separate arrangements. To unite both in their respective degrees, must be that which is most desirable; but how far each will be carried must be regulated by circumstances. So much I thought it necessary to hint, that we may not be turned into the opposite extremes of, on the one hand, neglecting the state of the continent altogether, as conducive to our security; and, on the other, that we may not look to any continental arrangements with such confidence as to slacken our efforts, and to abandon our separate means of vindicating our rights, and preserving by war that security to which we are entitled; unless, like most of the states of the continent, we are ready to sink into subjection to the power of the aggressions and outrages of which we complain.-So much upon the general principles laid down by the hon. gentleman the justice of which I so strongly feel. Nevertheless, unless some practicable benefit is to be derived from pressing the motion, I hope the hon. gentleman will be inclined to withdraw it. To press it to a division at the present moment, would be attended with one of two inconveniences: either the previous question would be carried, by which there might be room for the misconstruction that one part of the House was hostile to the principles on which the hon. gentleman argued; or, on the other hand, if the motion were carried, it would imply a doubt that the House entertained a suspicion that ministers did not concur in the principles so well laid down in the hon. gentleman's speech, and were unwilling to give them effect; a suspicion for which, after what has been said by my noble friend, there appears no foundation. Mr. Fox said, that his opposition to the late war, as far as the question of continental alliances was concerned, rested precisely on the same principles as those upon which he had that day grounded his motion. It was singular, that after the many occasions he had had to debate this subject, he should still be misunderstood. He had opposed the late war, among other reasons, from an opinion which he had formed, and stated at its very commencement, of its tendency to effect the total destruction of the influence of this country on the continent. Subsequent events had proved the correctness of that opinion. The right hon. gentleman himself had acknowledged that he had; con. sented to make peace, as soon as he perceived that the prolongation of the war was not likely to procure any better security for the continent. Mr. Fox was against referring to any topics which might revive past animosities; but he begged to know in what consisted the difference between the right hon. gentleman and himself, except that he had foreseen some years earlier, what the right hon. gentleman had been obliged to admit some years later? It was on a simi lar principle that he had approved the peace he had approved it, not as good in itself, but as preferable, under all the circumstances, to a continuance of the war. In answer to the application which had been addressed to him to withdraw his motion, Mr. Fox expressed his regret, that, as matters then stood, he could not comply with it. Further explanation was necessary from the noble secretary of state. Whether Russia had offered her mediation in the large, or in the limited sense of the word, it was important to have an assurance from ministers that they would accept it. No such assurance had been given, and with less he could not be content. If ministers, however, would state fairly that there existed among them, at that moment, a disposition to avail themselves of the offers of Russia, whatever those offers might be, or of a mediation when regularly proposed to them, he would make no difficulty of withdrawing his motion. Lord Hawkesbury assured the House, that the British government was ready to accept the mediation of Russia; upon which, Mr. Fox consented to withdraw his motion. Debate on Mr. Patten's Motion relative to the Conduct of Ministers.] June 3. Mr. Patten rose to make his long promised motion, and said :-Sir; a short time before the recess, I gave notice of a motion, the object of which was, an inquiry into the state of the nation. At that time I was convinced, from the conduct of ministers, in withholding all communication since the conclusion of the treaty of Amiens, to the period when his majesty's gracious message was delivered, that they had given strong grounds for an inquiry. I thought that parliament was entitled to every kind of communication which could be afforded, consistent with circumstances. It may be asked, why I undertook a task, to the execution of which I am incompetent? It was upon this ground, that gentlemen of great talents and rank have been accused of aiming, by their difference of sentiment from ministers, at places and emoluments; and in order to prevent an accusation of so unworthy a nature from being countenanced, I proposed the inquiry. I have nothing to hope or to fear from the event of my motion; I belong to no party, and cannot be accused of having for my object the gratification of personal or selfish feelings. Upon the subject of the attacks that have been made against the conduct of the first lord of the Admiralty, I have very little to offer. It has, indeed, been said, that fifty ships of the line would be ready for actual service in the course of a very short time. It has been the cause of consider. able alarm to the country to hear that formidable naval armaments were carrying on in the ports of France; yet I have heard, that when lord Whitworth received his majesty's message to parliament. communicating that intelligence, he did not know of any such armaments. That this was the fact, is confirmed by the statement of the first consul, and by the positive assurances of M. Talleyrand. An officer of eminence in France also declared that the naval force preparing in the ports of the republic, was not sufficient for the exigencies of the colonial service. I now come to the documents upon your table. Every man must be satisfied that the first consul ultimately aimed a fatal blow at our power and independence: but although this is a position which cannot be controverted, it does not go to extenuate the measures pursued by his majesty's ministers; who have been kept in a continual state of aggression, insult, and degradation, by the first consul. I contend, that the first aggression ought not to have been suffered; and that such an opportunity to contest the pretensions of France, and to enforce our own just claims, ought not to have been passed by. Whereas, they have suffered patiently a long series of aggression, injuries, and degradations. It is to so unaccountable a line of conduct, that I this day object. Have they, or have they not, complained of the unjust views, the unbounded ambition, the extravagant spirit of aggrandizement and encroachment manifested by the government of France? We know from their own ambition, that they have not done so when they ought to have been 'most active in their remonstrances and complaints. But at the same time I readily grant, that all these injuries and causes of complaint, when taken in the aggregate, form an irresistible ground for the vigorous prosecution of hostilities. We have indeed something like a new proof of the hostile views of the French government, in the appointment of commercial commissioners; but in that case I most decidedly contend, that no remonstrance on our part was necessary. A remonstrance was, on the contrary, a proof of our weakness and fears. Ministers ought to have sent them away at once, and followed it up by a demand of satisfaction. In adverting to the melan choly situation of Switzerland and Holland, I cannot be ignoraat that they have contended for their independence and liberties, and cannot but lament that their struggle has proved ineffectual. They have even less to hope for than the most servile province dependent upon France. France can never forgive the boldness, and the desire to rescue themselves from the yoke, manifested by Switzerland and Holland. Ja the feelings and wrongs of these countries we are deeply implicated, because we have the same tyranny to oppose which enslaved them. At the time when orders were issued for the surrender of the Cape of Good Hope, were not ministers as fully acquainted with every act of aggression as they are now, with the single exception of Sebastiani's mission to Egypt? There are many other strong grounds, on the justice of which I could rest my charges against ministers; but I shall content myself with accusing them of withholding all communication from parliament; of suspending the functions of this House; of having issued such or ders as they were not warranted to do from their own knowledge and conviction; of compromising the honour and dignity of his majesty's crown; and of essentially injuring the interests of his people. I beg, Sir, I may be clearly understood when I state, that at this moment gentlemen are called upon to direct their attention solely to external objects; that this is not a time for them to enter into disputes and contests with respect to internal regulations; and that questions of a more important nature, involving as they do the very existence of the country, demand their consideration and decision. We are now in a crisis which calls for all the talent, all the mental ability the country can afford; and as we require of the people every aid which their resources can supply, we should, in our turn contribute to their security, by the exertion and combination of those mental powers which are best calculated to promote their dearest interests. I shall now read the resolutions which I intend to submit to the consideration of the House:-1. "That it appears to this House, from the declaration issued by his majesty on the 18th day of May last, and laid before this House by his majesty's command, that the conduct of the French republic, during the whole period which has elapsed since the conclusion of the definitive treaty of peace, is considered by his majesty's ministers as having been altogether inconsistent with every principle of good faith, moderation, and justice; as having exhibited one continued series of aggression, violence, and insult; and as necessarily creating a thorough conviction of a system deliberately adopted by France for the purpose of degrading, villifying, and insulting his majesty and his government.-2. That his majesty's ministers having, throughout the whole period, from the conclusion of the definitive treaty of peace, to the issuing of his majesty's declaration of the 18th day of May last, neither communicated to parliament any knowledge of the sense which they now appear to have entertained respecting the conduct and system of France, nor any regular information of the particulars on which the same was founded, or of the steps taken by his majesty's government thereupon, have thereby withheld from this House the necessary materials for a due and full discharge of its constitutional functions; and that, by encouraging throughout the country an unfounded security and confidence in the permanence of peace, they have embarrassed and perplexed our commerce, have deceived the expectations, and unnecessarily harassed the spirit of the people, and have materially increased and aggravated the difficulties of our actual situation.-3. That it was the duty of his majesty's ministers to make timely and adequate representations against such acts, as have, in their judg ment, constituted a series of aggression, violence, and insult, on the part of France: that, by dignified and temperate remonstrances, followed up with consistency, and sustained with firmness, either the course and progress of such acts would have been arrested, without the necessity of recurring to arms, or the determination of the French government to persist therein would have been distinctly ascertained, before his majesty had, by the reduction of his forces, and the surrender of his conquests put out of his hands the most effectual means of obtaining redress and reparation: that this essential duty appears to have been, in a very great degree, neglected by his majesty's ministers; and that such their neglect and omission have been highly injurious to the public interest.-4. That it appears parliament, it would be the best justification of the conduct of ministers. The situation of the country was one of great anxiety; but was it to be attributed to the late or present administration? The present administration had come into power at a most critical period, and had acted under difficulties unparalleled. They found the whole chain of connexion with which this country had acted, broken, and the country discontented in a very high degree; the circumstances in which they were placed compelled the treaty of Amiens, and made it prudent not to push every point of aggression. When he heard two opposite parties, the one accusing ministers of being too rash, and the other of being too timid, he concluded that ministers had acted just as they ought to have done. It required more fortitude to bear an insult than to resent one. A man worn out ought not to attempt to combat with another in full health and vigour; and we required time to renew our strength. to this House, that on the 17th of October | last, counter orders were dispatched by his majesty's government, revoking the orders before given for the surrender of the Cape of Good Hope, and of the other conquests then held by his majesty; and that the final order, by virtue of which his majesty's forces actually evacu ated the Cape, was sent on the 16th of November. That on the said 16th of November, the hostile spirit of France had (in the judgment of his majesty's ministers, as now avowed by them) already been manifested, for more than six months, by one continued series of aggression, violence and insult, for which neither reparation nor redress had, down to that moment, been obtained: that the offensive principle had already been distinctly advanced, of excluding his majesty from all concern in the affairs of the continent; that the Spanish and other priories had already been withdrawn from the order of Malta; Piedmont, Parma, Placentia, and Elba, had been annexed to France; Switzerland had been attacked and subjugated, and the remonstrance of his majesty's government upon that subject had been treated with indignity and contempt; the territory of the Batavian republic was at that very moment still occupied by the armies of the chief consul of France, and its internal administration still controlled by his interference; and the French government was then actually engaged in the pursuit of those plans and measures for the subversion of the Turkish empire, to which his majesty's declaration refers, as a violation of the treaty of peace: that in directing, under such circumstances, the final surrender of the Cape, without having previously explained or arranged the numerous points of difference and complaint which then actually subsisted between the two governments, his majesty's ministers acted in contradiction to the sense which they had themselves manifested of their own duty, and have improvidently exposed to danger some of the most important interests of his majesty's dominions. 5. That by all these instances of misconduct in the present ministers of his majesty's government, they have proved themselves unworthy of the confidence reposed in them, in such an important crisis as the present." The first resolution being put, Colonel Bastard thought that if the state of the nation was fairly laid before [VOL. XXXVI.] Mr. I. H. Browne did not think it right at this critical moment, when all agreed in the propriety of supporting the country against the dangers which threatened it, to interrupt the unanimity of the House by any vote of censure on his majesty's government. With respect to the discussions with France, he thought they were better terminated by the cabinet, than by making partial communications to parliament. The true spirit of the treaty of Amiens had been violated before ministers had made the communication to the House. If they were to blame, they had erred on the right side; for he conceived it better that an alarm should be given soon, than for the nation to be lulled in perfect security in the moment of danger. Lord Kensington could not agree that the conduct of his majesty's late ministers had placed the country in its present state. Their administration had been high and honourable, and at the very conclusion was glorious to the British name. The conduct of the present ministers had been deceitful, and unwise, and submis. sive. The treaty of Amiens was discussed on the 14th of May; after that, the sequestration of the property belonging to the Spanish langue, the annexation of the island of Elba, &c. took place; but all prior to the 23rd of November, the day on which the chancellor of the exchequer assured that House, there was no proba [5 F] |