the subject was taken into consideration in | to provide for those demands on his justice the House of Lords. Lord Pelham, after which alone induced him to assert his a few preliminary observations, moved an right, he now cheerfully relinquishes his address to his majesty. Lord Carlisle suit, and has directed his law officers to seconded the motion, but wished the forego all further proceedings." question had been decided on the petition of right.

the Prince to be restored to the state suited to him, and at the same time make an appropriation for the discharge of his existing debts; and therefore it was advisable to remove, at once, every load and clog. If there was any obstacle to be found in the financial state of the country, that would be a fit subject for the consideration of the committee. If the country was in other respects able to support the national splendor and dignity, he could not account for parsimony being confined solely to the circumstances of the heir apparent; nor why he should be compelled to reside in a corner of his palace, surrounded by difficulties and embarrassments. He had now discharged his duty, and should conclude by moving, "That this House, anxiously desirous to give full effect to the important objects recommended to their consideration in his majesty's most gracious message of the 16th of February, do appoint a select committee to request and receive information respecting the extent of those claims upon the justice and honour of the Prince of Wales, which, according to the official communications made to this House, impede his Royal Highness's anxious desire to fulfil his Majesty's benign intention, and accord to the wishes of this House, by resuming that state and dignity which belong to the heir apparent of the British Empire."

Mr. Erskine said, that the hon. gentleman having adverted to what had been said by him on a former night, he thought it right to trouble them with a very few words. When he came that night into the House without any knowledge of the business it was engaged in, an hon. gen. tleman, who held an official situation, was reading in his place a communication from his Royal Highness, and he (Mr. E.) then assured the House, that the prince had repeatedly expressed to him his perfect contentment with the gracious intention of the king, and the liberal grant of parliament, though he thought it a duty incumbent upon him, at the same time, to declare, that he could not for the present resume his state and dignity which the House seemed desirous should be re-established. He thought it now therefore necessary to add, that the motion before them of which the hon. gentleman at the same moment had given notice, was

with the Prince's privity, which would be at variance with the satisfaction he had expressed. Mr. E. said, that proud as he was of possessing the confidence of acting as the servant of the Prince, he had a still higher character to maintain as an independent member of parliament.The present motion was no censure upon the proper reserve of his majesty's ministers in avoiding every unnecessary pressure upon the people, and if it were, he would certainly vote against it. The king had only asked the House to enable him to restore the state and dignity of the Prince of Wales, which we had assured his majesty of our readiness to do.-The sum voted however having turned out to be insufficient for that desirable object, the hon. gentleman seeks only by his mo tion to remedy that defect. It was not therefore a renewed proposition on the part of the crown, but an original one by an independent member of parliament, for the necessary support of the state and dignity of our monarchical government.He had risen thus early to make it clear that the present motion was not in op. position to the message nor to the address of the House in answer to it. He was, sure on the contrary that the right hon. gentleman's disposition towards the Prince was not limited to the specific sum which had been granted, and that he would willingly accede to any addition which cir cumstances then unknown might render necessary.-At all events, he anxiously hoped that the business would be settled without any reference to the legal claim of the Prince, He (Mr. E.) had never stated that claim to amount to any specific sum, but only that the Prince was entitled to the revenues of the duchy of Cornwall from his birth, a doctrine which received the tacit assent of lord Ellenborough when attorney-general, and which had never been controverted by any lawyer in the House, the reason of the grant being for the sustentation of the Prince independent of the king, yet the whole of those revenues had nevertheless been received by the crown. It was not the matter in question what they amounted to, so as it was clear that the crown, or, in other words, the public, was debtor; that we had now a Prince of Wales of the age of forty who had been no burthen to the country whatever. The sum granted

wholly unknown to the illustrious person in consequence of the message was such as

to whom it related, as it might other wise be conceived that it had been made

the House would have voted to any Prince of Wales though not so circumstanced,

since the chancellor of the exchequer might be disappointed. For these reasons had formerly expressly stated that it had he should vote for the previous question. no connexion with the claim in question. Mr. Hylliard thought the splendor This, however, he wished to put altogether and dignity of the heir apparent essential aside, his only object in troubling the to the support of our excellent constituHouse being to remove all idea that the tion. The House had determined to Prince had any concern in the motion how- comply with his majesty's wishes, and ever fit to be made.-He was anxious that could not be done but by agreeing to alone that the public should not the present motion; for the Prince had suppose that the Prince had received candidly shown the House, that the sum our bounty, but had not acted up to granted, though entirely satisfactory to the motive and intention of the House, him, would not enable him to resume imwhich no difficulties could have compelled mediately that state of splendor and dignity which was the object of it.

him to do.

Mr. Fuller said, he had no doubt but that our ancestors meant to make the Prince of Wales independent of his father. What did the motion ask? Only that the embarrassments of the Prince should be inquired into by a committee of the House. The deductions made by the commissioners had tended to accumulate the debts, which the Prince thought himself bound in honour to pay.

Mr. Cartwright did not think the House could consistently go farther than it had done. With respect to his Royal Highness, he could not believe that the public reverence towards him would be in the least diminished by his remaining some time longer, if necessary, in his present situation.

Mr. Johnstone felt himself bound to object to the motion. Though he felt that, to maintain in due splendor all the branches of the royal family was essential to the true interests of the country, he must contend that no arguments were stated to prove the necessity of revoking those arrangements which parliament had adopted in 1795. But gentlemen talked of the rights of the Prince, resulting from the duchy of Cornwall. This question was discussed in 1795, and it then was the duty of the Prince to urge his right, or rely on the generosity of the public. He had chosen the latter; and it was not fair, after experiencing the liberality of the country, to renew the claim of right. Why was not that discussion brought to an Sir R. Buxton said, that he should be issue? No difference could arise between extremely happy to see the Prince resume the King and the Prince, as was stated; the splendor and dignity to which his for the revenues having been applied to rank in the state so fully entitled him; the public service, the public was answerbut he then spoke as a representative of able. But there existed another good the people, and it behoved him as such to reason why the suit should not be prosebe very cautious how he imposed any cuted: that it could produce nothing; additional burthens on them. He desired for, admitting the Prince entitled to the the House to look at France, and the revenues of the duchy from the hour of gigantic exertions she was making to ren-his birth, the amount was 234,000. Now der herself the arbitress of Europe. He thought the Prince would do himself more honour by giving up the trappings of royalty at this moment, than by resuming them. For these reasons, he would move the previous question,

during the last twelve years of his mino rity, the whole expenditure was 239,000% to be set against a receipt of 234,000l. during the Prince's minority. But was this all? There had been paid 60,000%. on his coming of age, 219,000l. in 1787, and 52,000/. in 1795, beyond the fixed and regular allowances. So that on the

of 570,000l. to be opposed to a claim of 234,000l. He stated these facts because he considered the people of England insulted when they were told that his Highness had made a sacrifice by condescending to accept between 2 and 300,000l.

Mr. Curwen said, if there were debts due from the Prince, which would prevent him from immediately resuming the splen-whole there were payments to the amount dor attached to his exalted station, let the amount be stated to the House, and then they would be able to judge whether they would discharge them or not. If they agreed to a committee, and that committee, on investigation, found, that the amount was too great to be discharg ed, it would be holding out hopes to the illustrious personage alluded to, which H

Mr. H. Lascelles said, he could not approve the mode of investigating the subject by appointing a committee. If the

Prince had openly stated the full amount of his debts, the House would then have been able to form an exact judgment on the case, and might have come to an immediate decision on it. The claims of the duchy of Cornwall seemed to be held over the House in terrorem. It had been held out that the public was favoured by those claims being dropped. He was of a contrary opinion.

Sir W. Geary should give every support in his power to the immediate resumption of that state of splendor and dignity which should belong to the heir apparent to the crown. He had been told that the Prince could not immediately resume his becoming splendor; but in his opinion, the House should enable him immediately to do so, whatever it might

cost.

before the lord chancellor, and the matter was put into a train of adjudication. It did not appear that his Royal Highness had discovered any unwillingness to proceed with the suit, or that he had submitted any overture for receiving 60,000. as a condition of relinquishing all further proceedings. But when his Royal Highness had proceeded so far with his suit, ministers had stepped in with this proposition, as if they thought that his Royal Highness had sufficiently atoned for his offences. Twelve years were fixed on as the period of his probation; but exactly at the end of seven years and a half, when the amount of his claims on the public were about to be ascertained, when it was about to be determined whether such a sum was due to him as would enable him to resume his former dignity, a period was put to his state of humiliation, and a provision assigned him without the smallest explanation of so extraordinary a change. Of the causes of this change he knew no thing; but he now appeared, as a representative of the people, desirous of some explanation. But how was this explanation to be obtained, unless through the appointment of a committee of inquiry? This was the object of the motion. Did gentlemen who wished well to the mo

Mr. Burdon thought, that to inquire any further into the circumstances of the case than his Royal Highness had thought proper to make known, would be extremely indelicate. That his Royal Highness should remain longer in a state of obscurity, was a subject of regret; but such a state of obscurity would not reflect the least dishonour on his Royal Highness; particularly when the motives for it were considered. We were told that debts of honour, &c. were to be discharg-narchical part of the constitution think ed; but these debts might be of a very different description from what the spirit of an act of parliament could embrace.

Mr. Tierney said, that in voting for the committee, he did not at all pledge himself to vote for whatever sums might be found still undischarged. Possessing, as he did, the strongest attachment to the Prince, he should not support the motion, if he did not think that the result would be highly honourable to his conduct. Some gentlemen seemed extremely desirous of arguing, that any addition to the income of the Prince of Wales, was an addition to the burthens of the people. What the state of the account was between his Royal Highness and the public, he professed not to know. This, however, he did know, that during the last session, his Royal Highness laid before the House a proposition for considering the amount of his claims. It was not then denied that an account ought to be taken; all that was contended for was, that the matter was one for the decision, not of the legislature, but of a court of law. In deference to this decision, his Royal Highness prepared a petition, which was laid

that no occasional burthens were to be submitted to, with the view of increasing its dignity, and supporting its splendor? Was not the splendor and the dignity which the heir apparent was enabled to keep up, essentially connected with the honour and the dignity of the monarchy ? One hon. member had contended, that the prince of Wales had obtained from the public, at different times, upwards of 500,000., and that therefore, to talk of the sacrifices which had been made by his Royal Highness, was to offer an insult to the country. This, however, was an insult which might be very easily resented; and that was, by showing how the account actually stood. When the whole account came to be fully examined, he believed that scarcely one of these statements would be found to be correct. Among the articles charged on the Prince to the public were the expenses of his education. This, however, was totally incorrect; as the expenses of his education were defrayed, not out of the consolidated fund, but from the civil list. The receipts from the duchy of Cornwall were stated at 234,000l.; and to be deducted from this