the temples beating the worshippers, to hasten their passage through the temples, was another subject of complaint.

A favourable opportunity seemed to have arrived for the redress of all these grievances, and the Vaishnavas collectively consented to the wishes of the Mahárájas in reference to the Brahmans, upon the condition that these abuses should be absolutely reformed. One influential person named Gopáldás Mádhavadás persisted in supporting the Brahmans in defiance of the Mahárájas; and two others, also of great weight in their different sects, named Rámbál Thákursidás and Sakhárám Laxmanji, supported the Brahmans. The Mahárájas yielded to the pressure put upon them, and consented to the demands made upon them, even to the minor reforms; but they required the respite of a year before carrying them out, and demanded complete secresy, conceiving that if they yielded to immediate execution they would be tacitly admitting the existence of evils, and putting a weapon into the hands of their opponents-the Brahmans.

The dispute between the Mahárájas and the Brahmans, however, led to newspaper controversy, and caused much bad blood. The Baniás and Bháttiás, the most devoted followers of the Mahárájas, were commanded not to salute either of the three gentlemen who sided with the Brahmans, and otherwise to withhold the respect they had always been accustomed to show to them. The Brahmans, convinced that they were perfectly orthodox in what they had done, convened several meetings, to which they invited the Mahárájas to discuss the matter with them; but the Mahárájas, knowing the weakness of their cause, and conscious of their ignorance of Sanskrit, abstained from attending the meetings, or taking part in discussions which they were aware must end in their defeat and disgrace. To obtain, however, the victory in the eyes of their votaries, they assembled a meeting of their own, which was attended by a beggar Brahman, whom they had previously bribed.

This man, who represented that he was deputed by the entire body of his brethren, publicly humiliated himself by asking pardon of the Mahárájas in their name. The pardon sought was, of course, graciously granted, and the Mahárájas thought they were restored to the good opinion of their followers. But, unfortunately for them, the trick was exposed, and the public discussed, and the native newspapers commented upon it. This was a heavy blow to the Mahárájas. But, as they had not succeeded against the Brahmans, they did not carry out the reforms they had consented to, and the affair terminated almost where it commenced, to the disgust of all parties. The power of the Mahárájas was, however, shaken.

It was at this period, an opportunity being afforded by these disputes, that the Satya Prakásha (Light of Truth), a weekly newspaper, was first issued. It was published by the defendant in the Libel Case, and its object was the advocacy of social, educational, and religious reforms. In consequence of the excited state of public opinion at the time, the newspaper immediately obtained a wide circulation.

The second circumstance conducing to accelerate the overthrow of the power of the Mahárájas was their objection to attend courts of justice. The Mahárájas conceive that their dignity is lowered and their persons polluted by attending courts of justice; but the Supreme Court of Bombay required them to obey the summons of the law, on the occasion of an action being brought by Śri Jivanji Maháráj against Ramdayál Motirám. The plaintiff's affidavit was to the following effect.

"I, Sri Jivanji Maháráj, the plaintiff above-named, solemnly affirm and declare that on or about the 2nd day of August instant, I was served with a subpoena from the above-named defendant to appear and give evidence on the trial of this cause; and I further say that I am the chief Maháráj of a very large section of the Hindu community, consisting of Baniás, Bháttiás, Bhansallis, Márwádis, Lowánás, Khatris, and other Hindu castes; and that it is contrary to the

religion of the said castes that I should appear in any public place, except our temple and in the houses of members of the said castes for religious and ceremonial purposes. I therefore say that I cannot attend personally in the Supreme Court to give evidence at the trial of this cause; but that, if I did so attend, I should subject myself to the liability of being deposed from my office; and I further say that I have very little personal knowledge of any of the matters in this action; but my mehtás (clerks), who are fully acquainted therewith, will attend in court with all books and documents relating to the issues. And I lastly say that my sole reason for not obeying the said subpoena is that given; and inasmuch as the defendant's advisers well knew that I could not attend, I verily believe they only caused the subpoena to be served in order to create annoyance and expense. If, however, the defendant think fit to do so, I am ready and willing to be examined at my own house and at my own expense." The Bombay Gazette of August 12, 1856, says :

"The application was opposed by the counsel on the other side, who contended that sufficient cause had not been shown to exempt Sri Jivanji Maháráj from the usage of the court. The Maháráj, the learned gentleman was informed, was in the habit of attending public places and visiting the houses of other natives. He once or twice took a sea trip in the steamer Phlox, travelled by railway along with low caste Hindus, inspected the Observatory, the Mint, the spinning machinery, equestrian exhibitions, native nautches, etc. etc. Surely if his person were not polluted by these things, much less would it be by attending the Supreme Court.

The Chief Justice (Sir William Yardley) with whose view of the case Sir Mathew Sausse entirely concurred, expressed himself very strongly against the expediency of exempting any individual, however high or dignified his station might be, from the usual process of the Court, saying that once an exception were made in favour of any person, there would be no end of applications of the same nature. The head of every petty sect and caste in the island would be calling himself a Maháráj, and demanding as a right that the Court should have him examined at his private residence."

The objection, which in a great measure was suggested by the fact that the Mahárájas feel it to be a degradation to sit lower than an European, whom they regard as only equal to the very lowest of their own caste, was thus defeated; and this defeat further tended to reduce their importance.

The opinions of the press upon the Mahárájas and their deeds have.also tended to undermine their influence.

Owing to the circumstances just noticed, and the excited state of public feeling, the doctrines, worship, power, and influence, the ignorance and evil lives of the Mahárájas, became not only well known, but much talked of. The community was thoroughly aroused, and men began to think, to talk, and to act. The press, stimulated by this movement of society, gained courage to make its comments. There are about fifteen or sixteen Gujaráti papers printed in the vernacular idiom and three or four English local papers published at Bombay. All these made their comments, and severely censured the Mahárájas. The Satya Prakásh, which was conducted by the defendant in the Libel Case (who was himself a Baniá, and follower of the Mahárájas, and familiar with all their mysteries and evil practices), frequently denounced and exposed their immorality and corruption. This, in the ferment which continued to exist, greatly shocked the feelings of the public, which had no conception of the existence of the enormities thus exposed. The Mahárájas themselves were peculiarly sensitive to the censure of this particular paper, knowing that it was conducted by one of their own followers, and they therefore instinctively apprehended that it would have a most prejudicial effect. The body of the Mahárájas consequently resorted to every available means to endeavour to silence the writer, by holding out considerable pecuniary inducements, proposed through the medium of some of their most influential votaries. But they were thoroughly frustrated in this object; for not only were comments published in the various newspapers, but pamphlets and handbills were freely circulated, all tending to the destruction of their influence. ·

Extracts of the comments so made, and which will give an idea of how much the subject occupied public attention, are given in the Appendix, No. 2.

The Slavery Bond was another means of undermining their influence.

In consequence of the excited state of the public mind, resulting from the perusal of the several pamphlets and handbills, and the censorious comments of the newspapers, an advertisement appeared in the Satya Prakásh of the 25th of January, 1857, proposing for competition a prize essay upon the duties of Gurus (spiritual guides), and the rule of conduct of their female devotees. The object of the proposed essay was to show the line of conduct that ought to be pursued by the Mahárájas towards their female votaries, as well as how these were bound to act in return. Several essays were the result of this announcement, and one of them was crowned with approval. Whilst this was being printed for circulation, the Parsí editor of the Chábak newspaper wrote a series of articles in his issues of the 17th and 24th August, and 3rd September of 1858, advocating the cause of the Mahárájas, and criticising the conduct of the reforming party, no doubt stimulated to this by some interested motive. Some of this party he personally abused, and publicly named them; one of them, indignant at this proceeding, brought a civil action for damages, for it became well known that this editor had written at the instigation of a certain justice of the peace who strongly supported the cause of the Mahárájas, he being one of their most influential followers. This the editor himself made known through his journal of the 25th January, 1859; for, being cast in the action and disappointed in not receiving promised pecuniary assistance, he thus retaliated.

In justice to the Chábak, it is but proper to mention that the editor of this paper, before he was reduced to extremities, had advocated reform in the Parsí community, and had written ably and freely upon the subject, the Chábak then being one of the most popular and best vernacular papers in Bombay. Things unfortunately taking an adverse turn, he was