sicknes, and taking diverse from amongst them, not sparing the righteous, but partaking with the wicked in these bodily judgments.1 It was therfore by his desire taken into the Godly consideration of the best hear, what was to be done to pacifie the Lords wrath, etc.2 Wher [when] it was concluded, that the Lord was to be sought in

1 Winthrop is silent upon the sickness that broke out among his company on landing, the almost inevitable visitation of scurvy after the ocean voyage. Prince, quoting from some records now lost, calls attention to it: "But having had a long passage, some of the ships seventeen, some eighteen weeks a coming, many people arrive sick of the scurvy, which increases for want of houses, and by reason of wet lodging in their cottages, having no fresh food to cherish them. And though the people are very pitiful and loving, yet the sickness with other distempers so prevails, that the well are not able to tend them. Upon which many die, and are buried about the Hill; yet it was admirable to see with what christian courage many carry it amidst these calamities." Prince, 242. Dudley is quite as pointed, for he speaks not only of the sickness and heavy loss suffered in the first year of the Salem settlement, but also of the fact of "many of our people brought with us beeing sick of Feavers and the scurvy and wee thereby unable to cary up our ordinance and baggage soe farr." This led to a dispersal of the company, and some months passed before the larger number again came together. Nor does Winthrop list the earlier deaths in the company. Dudley mentions the wife of William Pynchon, the wife of Rev. George Phillips, Mary (Moseley), wife of William Coddington, and the wife of George Alcock. The sickness must have been particularly fatal to the women of the party, but Dudley asserts that many "dyed weekely, yea, almost dayley."

As upon an earlier occasion Samuel Fuller went to minister to the needs of the sick, and again he discussed questions of church government. He went to Matapan [Dorchester] where he found Rev. John Warham and "let some twenty of these people blood; I had conference with them, till I was weary. Mr. Warham holds that the visible church may consist of a mixed people, godly and openly ungodly; upon which point we had all our conference, to which, I trust, the Lord will give a blessing. Here is come over, with these gentlemen, one Mr. Phillips (a Suffolk man), who hath told me in private, that if they will have him stand minister, by that calling which he received from the prelates in England, he will leave them. We have some privy enemies in the bay (but blessed be God) more friends; the Governour hath had conference with me, both in private and before sundry others; opposers there is not wanting, and Satan is busy; but if the Lord be on our side who can be against us; the Governour hath told me he hoped we will not be wanting in helping them, so that I think you will be sent for." Fuller to Bradford, June 28, 1630. Bradford Letter Book, 74.

...

The omitted words were: "and they would do nothing without our advice, I mean these members of our church, there known unto them, viz. Mr. Fuller, Mr. Allerton and myself, requiring our voices, as their own."

righteousnes; and to that end, the 6. day (being Friday) of this present weeke,1 is set aparte, that they may humble them selves before God, and seeke him in his ordenances; and that then also shuch godly persons that are amongst them, and known each to other, may publickly, at the end of their exercise, make known their Godly desire, and practise the same, viz. solemnly to enter into [181] covenante with the Lord to walke in his ways. And since they are so disposed of in their outward estates, as to live in three distinct places, each having men of abilitie amongst them, ther to observe the day, and become .3. distincte bodys; not then intending rashly to proceed to the choyce of officers, or the admitting of any other to their societie then a few, to witte, shuch as are well knowne unto them; promising after to receive in shuch by confession of faith, as shall appeare to be fitly qualified for that estate. They doe ernestly entreate that the church of Plimoth would set apparte the same day, for the same ends, beseeching the Lord, as to withdraw his hand of correction from them, so also to establish and direct them in his wayes. And though the time be shorte, we pray you be provocked to this godly worke, seing the causes are so urgente; wherin God will be honoured, and they and we undoubtedly have sweete comforte. Be you all kindly saluted, etc. Your brethren in Christ, etc.4

Salem, July 26. 1630.

SIR, etc. The sadd news here is, that many are sicke, and many 1 Friday, July 30.

2 Prince believes the three places were Charlestown, Dorchester [Matapan] and Salem.

"And as they desired to advise with us, so do they," etc.

• Signed by Samuel Fuller and Edward Winslow, but evidently written by Winslow. The connection of Allerton with discussions on religious governance is not without significance, showing the impression made by the address of the man upon those of the Winthrop settlement.

5 The opening sentences of this letter gave intelligence received from England on July 31, by a vessel belonging to Thomas Hewson, probably the Thomas and William, William Bundock of Wapping, master. This intelligence ran: "that the plague is sore, both in the city and country, and that the University of Cambridge is shut up by reason thereof; also, that there is like to be a great dearth in the land by reason of a dry season. The Earl of Pembroke is dead, and Bishop Laud is Chancellor of

are dead; the Lord in mercie looke upon them. Some are here entered into church covenante,1 the first were 4. namly, the Gov[erno]r, Mr. John Winthrop, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Dudley, and Mr. Willson; 2 since that 5 more are joyned unto them, and others, it is like, will adde them selves to them dayly; the Lord increase them, both in number and in holines for his mercie sake. Here is a gentleman, one Oxford; and that five sundry ministers are to appear before the High Commission, amongst whom, Mr. Cotton, of Boston, is one." Bradford Letter Book.

1 The church covenant then framed and signed by the four is given in Winsor, Memorial History of Boston, 1. 114. The form is such that the Separatists could have used it without violence to any of their principles, and it is possible the words reproduce, in whole or in a modified phraseology, a covenant in force in New Plymouth. Separatist and Puritan had never disagreed upon the essentials underlying their protests against the conduct of the English bishops and the practices such conduct sought to impose upon the recalcitrant. Both held that in the Bible must be sought the will of God. This covenant read as follows: "We, whose names are here underwritten, being by his most wise and good providence brought together into this part of America, in the Bay of Massachusetts; and desirous to unite into one congregation or church, under the Lord Jesus Christ, our head, in such sort as becometh all those whom he hath redeemed, and sanctified to himself, do hereby solemnly and religiously, as in his most holy presence, promise and bind ourselves to walk in all our ways according to the rule of the Gospel, and in all sincere conformity to his holy ordinances, and in mutual love and respect to each other, so near as God shall give us grace." 2 Of Isaac Johnson, Thomas Dudley and Rev. John Wilson ample notice will be taken in Winthrop's History.

* On August 27, Winthrop writes (1. *30): "We, of the congregation, kept a fast, and chose Mr. [John] Wilson our teacher, and Mr. [Increase] Nowell an elder, and Mr. [William] Gager and Mr. [William] Aspinwall, deacons. We used imposition of hands, but with this protestation by all, that it was only as a sign of election and confirmation, not of any intent that Mr. Wilson should renounce his ministry he received in England."

"The church at New-Plymouth was as I am informed, one of the first churches that was settled in New-England, having been a part of Mr. Robinsons church in Holland, that famous Brownist, from whence they brought their church-opinions and practises; and which they there still hold without any alteration, so far as ever I could learn. Master W[inslow?] an eminent man of the church at Plymouth, told W. R[athband] that the rest of the churches of New England came at first to them at Plymouth, to crave their direction in church courses, and made them their patern." Rathband, Brief Narration, I.

The account of the "order of teaching in Salem," contained in Smith's book, is to

Mr. Cottington,1 (a Boston Man,) who tould me, that Mr. Cottons 2 charge at Hamton was, that they should take advise of them at

all appearances based upon writings received from the settlers. "They have Preachers erected among themselves, and Gods true Religion (they say) taught amongst them, the Sabbath day observed, the common Prayer (as I understand) and Sermons performed, and diligent catechizing, with strict and carefull exercise, and commendable good orders to bring those people with whom they have to deale withall into a Christian conversation, to live well, to feare God, serve the King, and love the Country; which done, in time from both those Plantations may grow a good addition to the Church of England." That is, he favored the recognizing the prime authority of the Church of England. Advertisements for the Unexperienced Planters, *33.

"Some could not endure the name of a Bishop, others not the sight of a Crosse nor Surplesse, others by no meanes the booke of common Prayer. This absolute crue, only of the Elect, holding all (but such as themselves) reprobates and castawaies, now make more haste to return to Babel, as they tearmed England, than stay to enjoy the land they called Canaan; somewhat they must say to excuse themselves. Those he [Winthrop] found Brownists, hee let goe for New-Plimoth, who are now betwixt foure or five hundred, and live well without want." Ib. *29.

1 William Coddington was born in 1601, in Boston, Lincolnshire. With others of that county he refused to lend money to the King in 1627, and being summoned before

William &ddington

the Commissioners repeated his refusal. When threatened with the royal high displeasure he remained firm, and would not give bond for

his appearance before the Privy Council. N. E. Hist. Gen. Reg., XXXVI. 140. Shortly after the death of his wife in 1630, he returned to England in the Lion, where he married Mary, and brought her to New England in 1633. For three years (1634-36) he served as treasurer of the colony, but becoming involved with the minority in what was known as the antinomian controversy, he removed to Rhode Island, where he had an eventful and honorable career. Turner, William Coddington in Rhode Island Colonial Affairs.

The Reverend John Cotton, then vicar of St. Botolph's Church at Boston, in Lincolnshire, accompanied his friends to Southampton, as they were to embark in Winthrop's fleet for New England, and there preached a farewell sermon, which was published by John Humfrey in the same year, entitled "God's Promise to his Plantation." DEANE. See Mead in 3 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, XLI. 101, and Gay, in Ib. XLIII. 503. It is of the same nature as that given by John Robinson at Delftshaven, in favor of union rather than division. See vol. 1. p. 130.

It is a curious coincidence that in the first part of his letter Fuller tells of Cotton's being summoned to appear before the Court of High Commission.

Plimoth, and should doe nothing to offend them.1 Here are diverce honest Christians that are desirous to see us, some out of love which they bear to us, and the good perswasion they have of us; others to see whether we be so ill as they have heard of us. We have a name of holines, and love to God and his saincts; the Lord make us more and more answerable, and that it may be more then a name, or els it will doe us no good. Be you lovingly saluted, and all the rest of our friends. The Lord Jesus blese us, and the whole Israll of God. Amen. Your loving brother, etc.2

Charles-towne, Aug. 2. 1630.

Thus out of smalle beginings greater things have been produced by his hand that made all things of nothing, and gives being to all things that are; and as one small candle may light a thousand, so the light here kindled hath shone to many, yea in some sorte to our whole nation; let the glorious name of Jehova have all the praise. [182] 3

1 This single sentence was not contained in this letter of August 2, but in an earlier letter from Fuller, dated June 28, 1630. Bradford Letter Book. The insertion offers an example of the manner in which Bradford prepared his material.

2 Signed "your loving brother in law, Samuel Fuller."

"I grant Colonies are best undertaken by Princes, assisted with the strength of a whole State: yet what may be done in Colonies by private persons, the Dutch have discovered in part already in their Plantation in New-England, and may (by Gods blessing) in short time appeare in this lately undertaken Colonie of the English in the same Country: Of which we have reason to be somewhat the more confident by the experience of our bordering neighbours of New-Plimmouth, who (notwithstanding they were men of weake estate, and encountred many disasters in their first arrivall, and since in some of their adventures homewards,) are growne up into a good firme compacted body, living and subsisting though not in a flourishing estate, yet in a good convenient and comfortable condition." White, The Planters Plea (1630), *51.

Writing in 1630-31 of the Winthrop settlement, Captain John Smith thus spoke of that at Plymouth: "I meane not the Brownists of Leyden and Amsterdam at NewPlimoth, who although by accident, ignorance, and wilfulnesse, have indured with a wonderfull patience, many losses and extremities; yet they subsist and prosper so well, not any of them will abandon the Country, but to the utmost of their powers increase their numbers." Advertisements for the Unexperienced Planters of New England, *2. He could have applied to those at Plymouth what he wrote in the same work