expense of suppressing the rebellion. The creation of competing lines of railways is of vital importance as an auxiliary means of defence, and demands immediate action. By them we overcome time and distance; we prevent rebellion, or we speedily subdue it; we shall prevent Indian barbarities and allay Indian wars; we bring extremes convenient to each other, encourage social and friendly intercourse, hasten emigration, binding the whole people together in one family-one in agriculture, manufactures, commerce, art, sciences, mechanism, labor, and all the interest of our common country.

This great power of commerce diffuses intelligence, destroys prejudice, advances all interests, almost as generally and as rapidly as the rays of light travel over and benefit the earth. "The power to establish post roads" is another of those powers sufficient for all time. No man will claim that the mails can be lawfully held in abeyance by the legislation or power of any State, much less the power created by it on the old idea of post roads; yet to-day nearly all the post office business of the country in the transportation of mails is only allowed and performed by sufferance, by the railroads refusing to enter into contracts as to time, safety, convenience, or cost. This state of dependence on the part of the Government must not be allowed. This great element in the power of government is for the people, and confers benefits and happiness upon all equally; it is a great power of the diffusion of intelligence, stimulating energy and action, aiding prosperity; and when to it is added the telegraph, equally free and equally cheap, and when the shackles. of State and individual obstructions are stricken off then will be settled for all time the question of regulating commerce, bringing it into harmony with the other great powers and duties of the Government.

Charles E. Phelps [Md.] opposed "the extraordinary measure.'

It is nothing less than the inauguration of a system, now for the first time in the history of this Government, which looks to nothing short of the ultimate consolidation, under congressional auspices, of the forty-two thousand miles of railway already constructed in every State of this Union, and the ultimate Federal control of the $3,000,000,000 of capital which has already been invested by corporations and States in this vast network of internal improvement. The assumption of power extends to the absolute claim of eminent domain over the soil of

every State, the absolute claim to enter upon, seize, and condemn the land of every freeholder in each State deemed necessary for the opening and construction of new lines of communication, and, in addition, the complete control, regulation, and management of every mile of railway in operation and every dollar of capital invested through the agency of one or more mammoth corporations, creatures of the national Congress.

It not only does that, but it goes further. It wrests from every one of the thirty-seven States of this Union all the jurisdiction their courts now exercise over rights and remedies affecting these lines of internal improvement, as they come in contact with the citizens and with the property of the various States. It absorbs to the general Government and brings within the sweep of the Federal courts that enormous mass of jurisdiction, civil and criminal, at law and in equity, over cases involving property, liberty, and even life, which of necessity travels with these great lines of intercommunication wherever they penetrate society. It does more- -a consideration which I should think would compel every man who wishes to keep this Government as honest and as pure as circumstances will permit to oppose any such measure as this. It invites the lobbies of thirty-seven State legislatures to pack their carpet-bags and move at once upon Washington. It concentrates these railroad rings, with their intrigue, their log-rolling, and their corruption funds, at the seat of the Federal Government, and intrenches them in the corridors of this Capitol. It exposes members of Congress, not to danger, for they are pure and innocent, but to the annoyance and importunity of solicitation, and subjects their stern and incorruptible virtue to the schemes and manipulations of a combined horde of speculators unprecedented in congressional experience.

William D. Kelley of Philadelphia characterized the measure as a "job."

It is a provision for the incorporation of a number of unprofitable roads into one and a sacrifice of the interests and rights of all save the stockholders of these roads; and it is to be enacted just when the great want which we have always felt is being supplied.

I grant that the conduct of the Baltimore and Ohio road in refusing to make connections with other roads is a great hardship. I am ready to remedy it by the law proposed in the last

Congress compelling roads running to State lines to connect with roads of other States. But this is not necessary in this case, as the Potomac and Baltimore road is nearly completed and will enfranchise travel from the monopoly hitherto maintained by the Baltimore and Ohio company.

us.

Austin Blair [Mich.] supported the bill.

I am not surprised to see gentlemen on the other side of the House unite to raise the cry of State rights against this bill. They live in the ideas of fifty years ago. We cannot convince them that the world moves. If we tell them that the power to regulate commerce between the States is the power to build trans-State railways; that commerce abandons the lakes and the rivers, and even the ocean itself, and speeds across the continent upon the iron rail, the Democratic party only stares at The magnetic telegraph itself can give it only a spasm as it feebly croaks "State rights!" If a great nation demands national highways for the encouragement of its industries and the development of its resources, no matter how great the necessity, it must yield to every State the right to veto the project. And thus local jealousies, private greed, and ignorant stupidity must be allowed to defeat the most necessary and beneficial measures. I insist that the only security for cheap and speedy transportation must be looked for in the power of Congress to open the way for trade and that intercourse which is a part of trade by annulling repressive State laws or by providing national highways over which the people of all the States may pass upon equal terms.

We have been solemnly warned that the passage of this bill will bring down upon Congress the terrible lobby from thirty States. There is no danger from the lobby when there are no subsidies, and the virtue of Congress does not need to sound an alarm before the temptation is offered. If the legislatures of Pennsylvania and Maryland have been able to withstand the terrible lobby while voting special privileges, then I will trust the virtue of Congress while it goes about to destroy those monopolies.

The gentleman from Maryland [Mr. Phelps] evidently fears —and I think we all share in that fear-that the time will speedily come when cars will run past Baltimore by steam. Farewell then, sir, to the charming omnibus line; farewell to the great horse teams which, with the crack of the whip and the sound of a tin horn, take us at the rate of two miles an hour

through the metropolis of Maryland with a cheery "Gee-up" and "Gee-ho!" It will be some compensation that we shall no longer see women and children, the aged, the halt, and the blind tumbled out of the cars coming in from the Northwest at all times of night and day and in all weather, and delivered over to the howling gang to whom they are compelled to intrust themselves in passing through the Monumental City.

Mr. Speaker, the spirit of American enterprise refuses longer to be bound by these vexatious restrictions upon the speed and comfort of travel. If the States will not furnish the highways required by the people the country calls upon the national Congress to supply the defect, and we shall not long refuse to respond to the call. Let us pass this bill and put upon record our determination to remove out of the way every obstruction placed across the great avenues of commerce and business, whether by State monopolies or otherwise.

On February 12 the bill was passed by the Houseyeas, 99; nays, 54. It was not acted upon by the Senate.

FORFEITURE OF RAILROAD GRANTS

Joseph N. Dolph [Ore.] Introduces Bill in Senate to Restore to the Government Certain Lands of the Northern Pacific Railroad-Debate: Wilkinson Call [Fla.], Sen. Dolph, Charles H. Van Wyck [Neb.], George F. Edmunds [Vt.], James Z. George [Miss.], John H. Mitchell [Ore.], Henry W. Blair [N. H.]; Bill Is Passed-Barclay Henley [Cal.] Proposes Substitute Bill in the House Making a General Forfeiture by the Company; Bill Is Passed; Senate Non-concurs, and Conference Is Appointed-Preston B. Plumb [Kan.] Introduces in the Senate a Bill to Forfeit All Unearned Railroad Grants-Debate: Sen. Dolph, Henry M. Teller [Col.], James H. Berry [Ark.]; Bill Is Passed-Debate in the House: William S. Holman [Ind.], William J. Stone [Mo.]; Bill Is Passed with Amendments; Senate Non-concurs, and a Conference Is Appointed.

A

S time passed the people began to regret the lavish donations which their Representatives in the national legislature had made to the railroads, especially since these corporations were not fulfilling the spirit of the grants, and, indeed, in a number of instances were not complying with even the letter of their contracts with the Government, in that they were entering into land speculation before the title to the grants had been completed by construction of the roads.

The Northern Pacific Railroad was especially condemned for this practice, and a loud popular demand was made for forfeiture of the grants with the conditions of which it had not complied. In order to forestall action in the matter, the corporation very shrewdly inspired a bill for that measure of forfeiture which it would accept, the concession being so framed that its acceptance by the Government would confirm the railroad's title to the remainder of the land.

On April 19, 1886, Joseph N. Dolph [Ore.] intro