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and sustained, but their proceedings both honoured and imitated by others; as by the sequell will more appeare, if the Lord spare me life and time to declare the same.

Haveing now no fishing bussines, or other things to intend, but only their trading and planting, they sett them selves to follow the same with the best industrie they could. The planters finding their corne, what they could spare from ther necessities, to be a commoditie, (for they sould it at 6s. a bushell,) used great dilligence in planting the same.1 And the Gove[rno]r and shuch as were designed to manage the trade, (for it was retained for the generall good, [141] and none were to trade in particuler,) they followed it to the best advantage they could; and wanting trading goods, they understoode that a plantation which was at Monhigen,2 and belonged

1 In the attempted regulation of trade and industry begun in this year, precedents, drawn from the laws of the mother country, restrictive in principle, were closely followed. An embargo was laid on produce and labor. On March 29, 1626, it was decreed: "That for the preventing of such inconveniences as do and may befall the plantation by the want of Timber. That no man of what condition soever sell or transport any manner of works as frames for houses, planks, boards, shipping, shallops, boats, cannoos, or whatsoever may tend to the distruction of timber aforesaid, how little so ever the quantity bee, without the consent, approbation and liking of Governour and Councill." It was also decreed that "no handycraftsman of what profession soever, as Taylors, Shoemakers, Carpenters, Joyners, Smiths, Sawyers, or whatsoever, which do or may reside or belong to this plantation of Plimouth, shall use their science or trades at home or abroade for any strangers or forreigners till such time as the nescessity of the Colony be served." A third order, for preventing scarcity and also for furthering the trade, provided, "that no corne, beans or pease be transported, imbarqued or sold to that end, to be conveyed out of the Colony, without the leave and licence of the governour and Counsill.” Plymouth Colony Records, XI. 3, 4.

2 The settlement at Monhegan was that of Jennens (see p. 341, supra). On learning that Jennens intended to break up his plantation, two men of Bristol, Robert Aldworth, the

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friend of Hakluyt, and his partner, Gyles Elbridge, despatched Abraham Shurt to buy the island, which was done for £50. Aldworth was one of those from whom

to some marchants of Plimoth was to breake up, and diverse usefull goods was ther to be sould; the Gove[rno]r and Mr. Winslow tooke a boat and some hands and went thither. But Mr. David Thomson, who lived at Pascataway, understanding their purpose, tooke oppertunitie to goe with them, which was some hinderance to them both; for they, perceiveing their joynt desires to buy, held their goods at higher rates; and not only so, but would not sell a parcell of their trading goods, excepte they sould all. So, lest they should further prejudice one an other, they agreed to buy all, and devid them equally between them. They bought allso a parcell of goats, which they distributed at home as they saw neede and occasion, and tooke corne for them of the people, which gave them good content. Their moyety of the goods came to above 400li. starling. Ther was allso that spring a French ship cast away at Saca

Pring received his commission in 1603. Under the auspices of these two merchants a settlement was established on the island by Abraham Shurt.

1 So large a sum represented a well-stocked warehouse of goods, but unfortunately, no inventory of the purchase exists. In eight years the kind of goods looked upon as fit for trading purposes would not have changed materially, and we have in the Trelawny Papers (2 Maine Hist. Soc. Collections, III.) such an inventory with comments by the agent, made in 1634. The commodities were designed for the fishermen, as well as for Indians, but it is the latter trade that is the more interesting. Winter, agent for Trelawny at Richmond Island, pointed out that the coats were good, but too short, the Indians selecting the longest, which sold the more readily; neither Englishmen nor Indians cared for the coverlets, which should be soft and warm; the waistcoats were too small; the hats being without bands or even lined in the brows, would be worn by neither class of buyers, and the shirts, shoes and stockings were suitable, save that the shoes would shrink in the snow. Aqua vitae, Indian beads and coarse woolen rugs or coverlets completed the articles offered. The figures given to certain items on p. 37 of the Trelawny Papers, refer apparently to freight or other charges; for the value of the goods must have been greater. Yet there are reasons for believing that in trading with the Indians, quality counted but little. For skins, the French gave bread, peas, beans, prunes, tobacco, kettles, hatchets, iron arrowpoints, awls, puncheons, cloaks and blankets. The natives complained that the merchandise was often counterfeited and adulterated, and that peas, beans, prunes and bread, that were spoiled, were sold to them, corrupting the body and bringing on dysentery and other diseases. The Indians early noticed that mingling and trading with

dahock, in which were many Biscaie ruggs and other commodities, which were falen into these mens hands, and some other fisher men at Damerins-cove, which were allso bought in partnership, and made their parte arise to above 500li. This they made shift to pay for, for the most part, with the beaver and comodities they had gott the winter before, and what they had gathered up that somer. Mr. Thomson having some thing overcharged him selfe, desired they would take some of his, but they refused except he would let them have his French goods only; and the marchant' (who was one of Bristol) would take their bill for to be paid the next year. They were both willing, so they became ingaged for them and tooke them. By which means they became very well furnished for trade; and tooke of therby some other ingagments which lay upon them, as the money taken up by Captaine Standish, and the remains of former debts. With these goods, and their corne after harvest, they gott good store of trade, so as they were enabled to pay their ingagments against the time, and to get some cloathing for the people, and had some comodities before hand. But now they begane to be envied, and others wente and fild the Indeans with corne, and beat downe the prise, giveing them twise as much as they had done, and under traded them in other comodities allso.2

the French caused their people to die; "and they tell how one by one the different coasts, according as they have begun to traffic with us, have been more reduced by disease; adding, that the reason why the Armouchiquois do not diminish in population is because they are not at all careless. Thereupon they often puzzle their brains, and sometimes think that the French poison them." The French retorted that gorging and drunkenness were sufficient explanations. Biard's Relation, 1616 (Thwaites), III. 69, 105.

1 Possibly Abraham Shurt, who was at Pemaquid in July, 1626.

2 This competition could come from the settlements on the Maine coast or from the crews of the fishing vessels frequenting these parts. The Indians were satisfied with trifles, such as metal fishing-hooks, beads, knives and other small objects, so an extensive supply of trading goods would not be necessary to obtain the furs they brought to the coast. A trade in corn must have been carried on by the Dutch or French, or by the fishing vessels that came up from Virginia.

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Bradford complained to the Council for New England of this irregular trading. "We

This year they sent Mr. Allerton into England, and gave him order to make a composition with the adventurers, upon as good termes as he could (unto which some way had ben made the year before by Captaine Standish); but yet injoyned him not to conclud absolutly till they knew the termes, and had well considered of them; but to drive it to as good an issew as he could, and referr the conclusion to them. Also they gave him a commission' under their hands and seals to take up some money, provided it exseeded not shuch a summe specified, for which they engaged them selves, and gave him order how to lay out the same for the use of the plantation.2

cannot likewise forbear to complain unto your Lordships, of the irregular living of many in this land, who without either patent or licence, order or government, live, trade, and truck, not with any intent to plant, but rather to forage the country, and get what they can, whether by right or wrong, and then be gone: So as such as have been and are at great charge to settle plantations, will not be able to subsist, if some remedy be not provided, both with these and the inordinate course of fishermen, who begin to leave fishing, and fall wholly to trading, to the great detriment of both the small beginning here, and the state of England, by the unprofitable consuming of the victuals of the land upon these salvages: Whereas plantations might here better raise the same in the land, and so be enabled both to subsist and to return the profit thereof into England for other necessaries, which would be beneficial to the commonwealth." Letter Book, 56.

1 This commission will be found in Bradford Letter Book, 46.

* Little is known of Isaac Allerton beyond what Bradford tells us. He was of the Leyden company, and with his wife (Mary Norris), son and two daughters, came in the Mayflower. During his residence in Holland he attracted no notice for business ability, and no reason can be found in Bradford for his being now sent upon a somewhat delicate mission, involving the future prosperity, if not indeed, the very existence of the plantation. His was one of the seven houses on the south side of "the streete" in 1620, and in the division of lands in 1623, seven acres, the largest single allotment made, fell to him, on the "south side of the Brooke to the baywards." He was one of the undertakers in the trade agreement of 1627, vol. 11. p. 29, presumably because of his ability on this mission to the English adventurers. In the tax-list of 1633 he received a higher rating than any member of the community (£3. 11s), almost double that of Bradford, Church, or Jenny, who formed the next in rate (£1. 16s each), and larger than that of Winslow (£2. 55), which is good evidence of his well-being. In 1634 he was second in the list of rate payers (£1. 16s), and was surpassed only by

And finding they ranne a great hazard to goe so long viages in a smale open boat, espetialy the winter season, they begane to thinke how they might gett a small pinass;1 as for the reason afforesaid, so also because others had raised the prise with the Indeans above the halfe of what they had formerly given, so as in shuch a boat they could not [143] carry a quantity sufficent to answer their ends. They had no ship-carpenter amongst them, neither knew how to get one at presente; but they having an ingenious man that was a house carpenter, who also had wrought with the ship carpenter (that was dead) when he built their boats, at their request he put forth him selfe to make a triall that way of his skill; and tooke one of the bigest of ther shalops and sawed her in the midle, and so lenthened her some. 5. or.6. feete, and strengthened her with timbers, and so builte her up, and laid a deck on her; and so made her a conveniente and wholsome vessell, very fitt and comfortable for their use, which did them servise. 7. years after; and they gott her finished, and fitted with sayles and anchors, the insuing year. And thus passed the affairs of this year.3

Winslow and William Collier (£2. 55. each). Bradford has on the whole dealt kindly with one who seems to have been unsuccessful in all his ventures.

Allerton's expenses were to be met by borrowing the sum of £100 in England for the space of two years, and upon such terms as he could. He obtained £200, but was obliged to pay thirty per cent interest, by which, adds Bradford, "appears in what straits we were; and yet this was upon better terms than the goods which were sent us the year before [1625], being at forty five per cent." Bradford Letter Book, 46. See vol. II. p. 34.

1 Pinnaces varied in size. In 1640 one was engaged for on the following lines: "thirty two foote by the keele and five foote and halfe in the hould deepe to be made proportionable according to the same with a decke and to be seeled throughout." Such a vessel cost forty pounds. Lechford, Note Book, 418.

'Here occurs another error in the paging of the original; 142 is omitted.

' In November, 1626, a brief report on the colony at New Netherland was laid before the States-General of the Netherlands by Peter Schagen. The news had just come in by the ship Arms of Amsterdam. “Our people are in good heart and live in peace there; the Women also have borne some children there. They have purchased the Island Manhattes from the Indians for the value of 60 guilders; tis 11,000 morgens

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