Also, (as after was made knowne,) before they came to the English to make freindship, they gott all the Powachs1 of the cuntrie,

than that of Pratt in his "Narrative" (4 Mass. Hist. Collections, IV. 479), as told him by Peksuot, the Indian sachem in those parts: "You say French men doe not loue you, but I will tell you what wee haue don to them. Ther was a ship broken by a storm. They saued most of their goods and hid it in the Ground. We maed them tell us whear it was. Then we maed them our sarvants. Thay weept much. When we parted them, we gaue them such meat as our dogs eate. On of them had a Booke he would ofen Reed in. We Asked him what his Booke said.' He answered, 'It saith, ther will a people, lick French men, com into this Cuntry and driue you all a way,' and now we thincke you ar thay. We took Away thayr Clothes. Thay liued but a little while. On of them Liued longer than the Rest for he had a good master and gaue him a wiff. He is now ded, but hath a sonn Alive."

1 "It was known to the said planters of Plymouth not long after, that these Indians, before they came to make friendship with them, had taken Balaam's counsel against Israel in getting all the powwawes of the country together, who for three days incessantly had, in a dark and dismal swamp, attempted to have cursed the English, and thereby have prevented their settling in those parts, which when they discerned was not like to take place, they were not unwilling to seek after a peace. The like was confessed many years after to have been attempted by an old and noted and chief Sagamore and Powaw, about Merrimack, to the northward of the Massachusetts, called Passaconaway, who, when he perceived he could not bring about his ends therein, he left it, as his last charge to his son, that was to

succeed him, and all his people, never to quarrel march, of Bay offaronoway

with the English, lest thereby they came to be

destroyed utterly, and rooted out of the country." Hubbard, History, 60. In 1642 Passaconaway was, with other Indians, disarmed by the Massachusetts government, but he remained friendly to

the English, and certainly died before 1675, in spite of tradition to the contrary. Drake, Biography and History of the Indians of North America (11th ed.), 278. "There are, however, among them some persons who, as they say, are in concert with the devil, in whom they have great faith. They tell them all that is to happen to them, but in so doing lie for the most part. Sometimes they succeed in hitting the mark very well, and tell them things similar to those which actually happen to them. For this reason they have faith in them, as if they were prophets; while they are only impostors who delude them, as the Egyptians and Bohemians do the simple villagers." Champlain, Voyages (Prince Society), II. 124. Winslow states that the "office and duty of the powah is to be exercised principally in calling upon the devil, and curing diseases of the sick or wounded.". See his Good Newes from New England, *53, and his

for .3 days togeather, in a horid and divellish maner to curse and execrate them with their cunjurations, which asembly and service they held in a darke and dismale swampe.

But to returne. The spring now approaching, it pleased God the mortalitie begane to cease amongst them, and the sick and lame re

SOSHILAWSON SAN

PRINTING OFFICE, ENGLAND, SEVENTEENTH CENTURY

covered apace, which put as [it] were new life into them; though they had borne their sadd affliction with much patience and contentednes, as I thinke any people could doe. But it was the Lord which upheld them, and had beforehand prepared them; many having long borne the yoake, yea from their youth. Many other smaler maters I omite, sundrie of them having been allready published in a Jurnall made by one of the company; and some other passages of jurneys and account of the sickness of Massasoit, in the same work, *28. Roger Williams once witnessed the performance of a powah, but after that he "durst never bee an eye witnesse, Spectatour, or looker on, least I should have been partaker of Sathans Inventions and Worships, contrary to Ephes. 5. 14 [probably meaning v. 11]." Key into the Language, 152.

relations allredy published, to which I referr those that are willing to know them more perticulerly.' And being now come to the ⚫25. of March I shall begine the year 1621. [61]

1 The manuscript of Mourt's Relation was carried to England by Robert Cushman, who sailing in the Fortune, did not reach London till February, 1622. The title of the Relation was entered on the Stationer's Register, June 29, 1622, as Newes from newe England. About a fortnight later, on July 15 the council of Plymouth entered on the Register the title of its pamphlet A Breife Relation of the Discouerie, and Plantation of Newe England. The dates are not without significance, as the printing press shewd unusual activity in this year of 1622 in tracts relating to colonization. Cushman's Sermon at Plymouth, New England, December 9, 1621 (registered March 22), Copeland's sermon, preached at Bowe Church in Cheapside in May, 1622 (registered May 18), and Donne's sermon before the Virginia Company, November 13 (registered November 28), represented one phase of this activity. Edward Waterhouse's Declaration of the State of the Colony and Affaires in Virginia (registered August 21), and a poem on the Massacre (registered September 11), constituted the new material; while reissues were made of Smith's New England Trials, and Whitburne's New-found-Land, and an enlarged tract on silkworm culture in Virginia. The competition of the two companies, the proposed restrictions on the fisheries, and the enterprise of the Netherlanders in the West Indies and northern coasts of "Virginia," contributed to this printing of colonization writings.

HEY now begane to dispatch the ship away which brought them over, which lay tille aboute this time, or the begin

T

ing of Aprill. The reason on their parts why she stayed so long, was the necessitie and danger that lay upon them, for it was well towards the ende of Desember before she could land any thing hear, or they able to receive any thing a shore. Afterwards, the •14 of Jan[uary] the house which they had made for a generall randevoze by casu[a]lty fell afire, and some were faine to retire abord for shilter. Then the sicknes begane to fall sore amongst them, and the weather so bad as they could not make much sooner any dispatch. Againe, the Gov[ernor] and cheefe of them, seeing so many dye, and fall downe sick dayly, thought it no wisdom to send away the ship, their condition considered, and the danger they stood in from the Indeans, till they could procure some shelter; and therfore thought it better to draw some more charge upon them selves and freinds, then hazard all. The m[aste]r and seamen likewise, though before they hasted the passengers a shore to be goone, now many of their men being dead, and of the ablest of them, (as is before noted,) and of the rest many lay sick and weake, the m[aste]r durst not put to sea, till he saw his men begine to recover, and the hart of winter over.

1 Carver was again chosen "Governor for this year," and again stood alone in the magistracy. The size of the settlement still permitted all to "meet and consult" on laws and orders, and the communal form of organization upon a business basis made the task of governing comparatively simple. It was still the community of the "compact."

Captain John Smith, whose sources of information were many if not wholly reliable, states that the Mayflower left New Plymouth about the fifth of April, and arrived in England the sixth of May. Generall Historie, 230.

66

Afterwards they (as many as were able) began to plant ther corne,' in which servise Squanto stood them in great stead, showing them both the maner how to set it, and after how to dress and tend it. Also he tould them excepte they gott fish and set with it (in these old grounds) it would come to nothing, and he showed them that in the midle of Aprill they should have store enough come up the brooke, by which they begane to build, and taught them how to take it, and wher to get other provisions necessary for them; all which they found true by triall and experience. Some English seed 1 Winslow states that they set some twentie Acres of Indian Corne, and sowed some six Acres of Barly and Pease, and according to the manner of the Indians, we manured our ground with Herings or rather Shadds, which we haue in great abundance, and take with great ease at our doores." Mourt, *60. Captain John Smith describes how in New England they "stick at every plant of corne, a herring or two; which commeth in that season in such abundance, they may take more than they know what to doe with." Advertisements for the Unexperienced, *27. Morton, a not unreliable observer in spite of his frailties, says: "You may see in one towne-ship a hundred acres together set with these Fish [he misnames the fish shad or allizes], every acre taking 1000. of them: and an acre thus dressed will produce and yeald so much corne as 3. acres without fish." New English Canaan, *89. The same practice was followed by the Almouchiquois, described by Champlain, save that the shells of the signoc or siguenocs were used. Roger Williams in his Key into the Language of America gives sequnnock, called by Josselyn the horse-foot. It is the Limulus polyphenus, and is found on the Atlantic coast as far south as Virginia, being still used for fertilizing purposes. A correct representation of the signoc is given on Champlain's map of New France, 1612. With the corn, these Indians would plant three or four grains of the Brazilian bean the bush or kidney bean (Phaseolus vulgaris), indigenous to

America. Champlain, Voyages (Prince Society), 11. 64, 86.

At Manhattan fish does not appear to have been used as manure, and in Virginia fish as manure was unknown.

* The use of the alewife (Clupea vernalis) in planting gave great importance to the taking of the fish. In this respect Plymouth was fortunate in having a source of supply in the brook which ran through the town. The Indian showed them how to place and manage a weir for taking the fish at the proper season, and as early as 1633 the distribution was confined to the inhabitants of the town, "and that no other haue any right or propriety in the same, onely for bait for fishing, and that by such orderly course as shall be thought meet by the Governor and Cowncell." Plymouth Col. Rec., 1. 17. In the earlier years each inhabitant resorted to the brook for his supply of fish, but this was found not only inconvenient, but resulted in injuring the property of those near the