Of the merit and efficiency of Mr. Madison's services in carrying forward this arduous but noble work, we have already given, in the citation from Mr. Jefferson's memoirs, the emphatic testimony of one of the illustrious body of revisers themselves. What was thought of the value of those services by another of the same body, no less illustrious for his professional learning and wisdom, and even more competent, by his opportunities of personal observation, to judge, appears from the following simple but hearty tribute in a letter from Mr. Pen

changes in some of the bills, which could not be made with safety by the legislature; 2. The pressure of other business, which, though of less importance in itself, yet was more interesting for the moment; 3. The alarm excited by an approach toward the Execution Bill, which subjects lands to the payment of debts. This bill could not have been carried, was too important to be lost, and even too dif ficult to be amended, without destroying its texture. Lastly, the danger of passing the Repealing Bill at the end of the code, before the operation of the various amendments, &c., made by the Assembly could be leisurely examined by competent judges.

"Under these circumstances, it was thought best to hand over the residue of the work to our successors; and, in order to have it made complete, Mr. Pendleton, Mr. Wythe, and Mr. Blair were appointed a committee to amend the unpassed bills, and also to prepare

a supplemental revision of the laws which have been passed since the original work was executed. It became a critical question with the friends of the revisal, whether the parts of the revisal actually passed should be suspended in the mean time, or left to take their operation. The first plan was strongly recommended by the advantage of giving effect to the system at one and the same time, and by the inconveniency, arising from the latter, of leaving the old laws to a constructive repeal only. The latter, notwithstanding, was preferred, as putting the adopted bills out of the reach of the succeeding Assembly, which might possibly be unfriendly to the system altogether. There was good reason to suspect Mr. Henry, who will certainly be then a member. By suffering the bills which have passed to take effect in the mean time, it will be extremely difficult to get rid of them."

dleton to Mr. Madison, dated the 9th day of December, 1786:

"I congratulate you on the near approach to the end of the revised code; since I am persuaded that nothing but your persevering assiduity would have ever accomplished that work at all, much less in so short a time. I can easily judge of your fatigue in it; and, had I as much power here as the Prussian monarch has (which, pardon me, I do not wish), I would order you a suitable reward. As it is, you have my thanks as an individual citizen."

There was one other question of deep interest to the honor and peace of the country, presented by the persevering refusal of Virginia and some of the other States to comply with the stipulation of the Treaty of Peace for the removal of all legal impediments to the recovery of debts, in the discussion of which Mr. Madison had hitherto taken a distinguished lead, and which he still had much at heart. But the ill success of his former efforts to preserve inviolate the sanctity of the public faith, together with the conviction that nothing effectual could be done until there had been an energetic remonstrance and appeal from Congress, indisposed him to renew the experiment with the present legislature. In a letter to a friend, of the 4th of December, 1786, he says:

"I am unable to say what the present temper is on that subject, nothing having passed which could make trial of it. The repeated disappointments I have sustained in efforts in favor of the treaty

make me extremely averse to take the lead in the business again."

No other person moved in it, and the question was left to await the early and necessary action of Congress.

The fiscal embarrassments of the State, and her failure, in common with the rest of the States, to comply with the requisitions of Congress for the supply of the Federal treasury, formed another subject of painful solicitude to him, both as a legislator and a citizen. Attempts to repeal existing taxes were fortunately defeated, and several new ones were imposed. But as yet there was no sensible relief to the public necessities. In the letter referred to above, he presents the following gloomy picture of the finances of the State:

"The fruits of the impolitic measures, taken at the last session, are bitterly tasted now. Our treasury is empty; no supplies have gone to the Federal treasury, and our internal embarrassments torment us exceedingly. The present Assembly have good dispositions on the subject; but some time must elapse before any of their arrangements can be productive."

This session of the Assembly terminated—with two memorable and fitting exceptions, one in the meridian, the other at the close, of his career Mr. Madison's connection with the domestic councils of his native State. We have seen how faithfully and earnestly, and with what pre-eminent usefulness and ability, he had devoted himself, dur

ing the three critical years that had elapsed since his retirement from Congress at the conclusion of the War of Independence, to the special service of the State, in the fostering and development of her trade and internal resources; the perfecting of her institutions, civil and religious; the triumphant assertion, in her policy, of the equal rights of all to the free exercise of conscience and opinion; the inculcation of the principles of justice and public morality, as well as freedom, in her legislation; the establishment of her just influence among the sister States of the Confederacy; and, finally, securing to her a proud and enviable lead in the great work of reconstructing the political system, by which they were linked together in the pursuit of one common and glorious destiny. He was now, as soon as the period of legal disqualification established by the articles of confederation expired, again transferred to the service of the Union, having been chosen by the legislature, during the session just ended, one of the delegates of the State in Congress. His duties, with the enlargement of their sphere, lost nothing either of their arduousness or their importance.

CHAPTER XXVI.

Civil Commotions in Massachusetts pave the way for Reform of Federal Constitution - Character and Origin of those Commotions-Measures taken by Congress to aid in their Suppression-Insurgents embodied under lead of an Ex-continental Officer, Daniel Shays - Insurrection finally subdued by State Authorities-Leaves a profound Uneasiness for the Stability of Government and Public Order- Marked Change in the Feeling and Policy of Massachusetts and the New-England States towards the Confederation - Deputies appointed by them to the proposed Convention at Philadelphia - Sanction of Congress given to the Convention-Spirit manifested by New York-Mr. Madison's Account of Parties in Congress with regard to change in Federal System-Existence of a Quasi-monarchical Party - Sagacious Reflection of Washington upon it- Mysterious State of Mr. Jay's Negotiation with Spain for Occlusion of Mississippi-Indignation in Western Country - Mr. Madison proposes Call for Information - Successive Motions made by him to arrest the Negotiation-Rapid Decline of Party in favor of the Project-Its ultimate Abandonment-Negotiations with Great Britain respecting Western Posts, detained contrary to Treaty of Peace-Prior Violations of the Treaty, on the part of America, alleged by the British Minister-Report of Mr. Jay, admitting infractions of the Treaty by several of the State Legislatures — Appeal of Congress to the Legislatures to revoke their Obnoxious Acts-Want of Authority in Congress to enforce Treaties, one of the most urgent Objects of Reform in the approaching Federal Convention.

AMONG the events which marked this period of the history of the United States, none, perhaps, exerted so controlling an influence upon the great question of the reconstruction of their political system as the civil commotions that occurred in the