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Oration delivcred at Washington, July 4, 1809, [Peb. 1,

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people on this auspicious occasion. The republics, for an indefinite length of time, most obvious, and I helieve the most im- without a dismembermerit, is to lose the portant, are comprised in two words; and bighest bopes of human society, thie to them I shall contine my viservations: greitost promise of betiering its condi. pulitic improcements, and public instruc-tion that the eilörts of all generations tum. These two objecis, ihough distinct butve produced. The man of sensibility in the organization which they will le- who can coniemplate without horror the quire, are so simular in their eiccts, thirt dismemberment of this empire, bas not most of the arguinents that will apply to

Hell consideradi iis cifecis. And yet I one, will apply equally to both. They scarcelymingtean society foraday without are botla necessary to the preservation of bearing it prixlicia, and the prediction our principles of government; they are watered will a levity bordering on indita" both necessary to the support of the sysa ference; and that too by well-disposed tem into which those principles are men of every political party. llence I wrought, the system, we now enjoy; they conciude, that the subject ins it beca are each of them essential, perhaps in an

examincd nith the attention it desc!vts. equal degree, to the periecting of that I am not yet so unhappy as to believe system, to our perceiving and preparing in this prediccion; but I should be forced the amcliorations of which it is susceptia

to believe in it it I did not anticipate the ble. Istrail dwell exclusively on these use of otlier :means than those we have yet two objecis, not because they are the employed to perpetuate the union of the only ones that might be pointed out, buis States. They must not be coercive because their importance, their imme

Sucli ones, in most cases, wouli diate and pressing importance, seems to produce eitects directly the reverse of bave been less attended to, and probably what would be intended. Our policy bess understood, than it ought to bare does not admit of standing armnies; and been among the general concerns of the if it did, we could not mamain the na Union.

suviciently numerous to restrain great Public isoprovements, such as ronds, bodies of treemen with arms in their hands, bridges, ani canals, are usually consi- blinded by ignorance, heated by zcal, and dered only in a cominercial and econo- led by factious cliefs; and if we could mical point of lighe; they onght likewise maintain them strong enough for that to be regarded in a moral and poliucal purpose, we all know they would very light. Cast your eyes over the surface Sukn overturn the government they were of our dominion, with a view to its vast

intended to supporto extent; with a view to its present and ap- With as little prospect of success could proaching staicot population; with a view ire rely upon legislative means; that is, to the dillerent habits, manners,languages, upen laws against treason and inisdeorigin, morals, inaxinis of the people; with meanor, or any other chapter of the crie a view to the nature of those lies, those minal code. Such laws may sometimes political, artificial ties, which hold them intimidate a chief of sebels, or a lew untogether is one people, and which are supporter traitors. But a whole gera to be relied upon io continue to hold graphical district of rebels, halt a nathem together as one people, when their lion of traitors, would legislate avainst number shall rise to hundreds of millions you. They would throw your laws into of freemen, possessing the spirit of inde- one scale and their own into the other and pendence that becomes their station. tuss in their bayonets to turn the balance, What anxiety, what solicitude', what No, the means to be relied upon to painted apurihensions, muse naturally bold this beneficent union together, inust crowd upon the mind for the continuance apply directly to the interest and conreof such a usernnent, stretching its vin rience of the people; they must, at the texture over such a couniry, and in the some lille, enabic them to discern that hands otsuch a people! The prospect interest and be sensible of that conveniis antul; the object, it'attainable, is mag- The people must become habinificent beyond comparison; but the data thated to enjoy a visible, palpable, inficulty of attaining it, and the danger of contestable goud; a greater good than losing it, are sutiicient to cloud the pros- they could promise themselves from any pect in the eyes of inany respectable ci- change. They must have information lizens, and force them to despair. Den enough to perceive ii, to reason upou it, spair in this cace, to an arvient spirii de la hnow why they enjoy it, whence it voted to the best good of liis country, is flows, how it was attained, how it is to a distressing state indeed. To despair be preservell, and how it may be lost, ci preserving ile tederal union of tliise The people of thure Siates mesi ve edu. cated for their station, as members of our state and federal constitutions, are in the neat community. They must receive general wortliy of the highest praise; they a republican education; be taught the do honor to the human intellect. But duties and the rights ot freemen; that is, the practical tone and tension of our of American freemen, not the freemen minds do not well correspond with those diat are so by starts, by frenzy. and in principles. We tie like a person coumobs, who would fill the forum at the versing in a foreign language, in hose idiom nod of Civdius, or the prytaneum at that is not yet familiar to him. He thinks in of Cleon; nor the freement of one day in his own naure language, and is obliged seven years, who would rusli together for to translate as he taiko; which gives a sale at the bustings of Prenttord, and stillness to his discourse, and betrays a clamor and blurgeon for a man whose

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certain embarrassment which nothing can principles and person were to them alıke rémule but frequent exercise and long unknown and regardled.

praciice. We are accustomed to speak Each American ireeman is an integral and reason relative to the people's edumember of the sovereignty; he is a co- cation, precisely like the aristocratical estate of the empire, carrying on its go)- subjects of a Buropean monarchy, Simme vernment by his delegates. Thie tirst say the people have no need of instrucsieht die possesses, after that of breathing tion; they already know too much; they the vital air, is the right of being titight cannot all be legislators and judges and the management of the power to which generals; the gieat mass must work for a he is born. It is a serious duty of the living, and they need no other knowledge society towards him, an unquestionable than what is sutiie eni for that purpose. right of the individual trom the society. Others will ic!l you it is very well for the

In a monarchy the education of the people in get as unch education as they prince is justly deemed a concern of the can; but it is their own concerning the nation. It is done at their expense; and

state bas nething to do wish it; every why is it so it is because they are parent, out of regard to his of spring, will deply interested in his being well coduo give them wirat he can, asid that will be cater, that he may be able to adavinister enough. the government well, to conduct the con

I will not say how far this inauner of cerns of the nation wisely, on their own creating the subject is proper even in constitutional p!iiciples. My friencis, is Europe, whence no borrowed it. But I it lot

more important that our wilisay that nothing ivmore preposterous princes, our millions of princes, should be in America. It is directiy contrary to educated for their station, than the single the vital principles of our constitucions; prince of a monarchy? Il a single prince and its incritable tendency is to destroy goes wrong, obstinately and incurably thiem. A universal systein of education wrong, he may be set aside for another, is so far from being a matter of inditierwithout overturning the state. But if ence to the public, under our social conour sovereigns in their inultitudmous ex- pact, ibat it is incontestably one of the ercise of power, should become obstinate first dulics of the government, one of the and incurable in wrong, you camrut set higher interests of the nation, one of the thein aside. But they will set you aside;

meist sacred rights of the individual, the they will sei themselves asile; they will vial fluid of organized liberty, the precrust the state, and convulse the nation.

cious aliment without which your repub. The resuit is minary despotism, disme- lic cannot be supported. herinent of the great republic, and, after I do not mean that our legislators a suflicient course of devastation by civil should turn perlag gues; or send their wars, the settlement of a few ferocious commissioners forth to discipline every monarchie's, prepared to act over again child in this nation. Neither do i nicain the same degrading scenes of mutual eine to betray so much tenierity as to speak croachment and indictive war, which of the best mode of combining a system disgrace inodern Europe; and from which of public instruction. But I feel it my many writers have told us, that mankind ruty, on this occasion, to use the freeduin are tietet to be free.

to si nich I am accustomed, and suggest Uur habits of thinking, and even of the propriety of bringing forwurd some reasoning, it míst be contessed, are still sy: tem that shall be adequate to the obe borrowed from foucial principles and ino- jéct. I am clearly od opinion, that it is narchical establishmento. As a nation aready within the power of our legilawe are not up to our circumstances. Our tive bodies, both tederal and provincial; principles in the abstract, is wrought into but it it is not, the people ought to place

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$2 Oration delivered at Washington, July 4, 1809, [Feb. 1, it there, and see that it is exercised. It then 'to augment the public revenue. is certain that the plan, if properly ar- But what is more, it would itself augmene ranged and wisely conducted, would not the revenue in a more direct manner by be expensive. And there is no doubt enhancing the value of the public lands; of its absolute irresistible necessity, if we which wouid thus sell faster, and bring a mean to preserve either'our representa- higher price. In this manner, the first tive principle, or our federal union.

monies laid out by the government ou It is not intended that every citizen roads and canals, would be a reproducshould be a judge, or a general, or a legis. tive property; it would be constantly lator. But every citizen is a voter; it is sending back more money into the trea. essential to your institutions that he should sury than was taken from it for this pur. be a roter; and it he has not the instruc- pose. So that all the advantages of tion necessary to enable him to discrimi- every kind, public and private, preselil pate between the characters of men, to and future, commercial and economical, withistand the intrigues of the wicked, and physical, moral, and political, would be to perceive what is right, he immediately so much clear gain." There would be becomes a tool for knaves to work with; nothing destroyed but errors and prehe becomes both an object and an in- judices, nothing removed but the dangers strument of corruption; his right of vo. that now threaten our invaluable institing becomes an injury to himself, and a tutions. nuisance to society. It is in this sense To do equal justice, and give satisface that the people are said to be “their own tion to the people in every state in the worst eneinies.” Their freedom itself is Union, the sums to be expended in each fowid to be an insupportable calamity; year should be distributed in the several and the only consolation (a dreary conso- States, according to their population. lation indeed) is, that it cannot last long. This is the general understanding arnong,

The time is fast approaching, when the friends of the system; and the sethe United States will be out of debt, if cretary has not Meglected to keep it in no extraordinary call for money to repel view in his luininous report. foreign aggression should intervene. Our present legislators ought to conOur surplus revenue already affords the sider, how much true glory would remeans of entering upon the system of dound to them from being the first to public works, and beginning to discharge arrange and adopt such a system. How our duty in this respect. The report of different from the false glory cominoniy the secretary of the treasury on these acquired by the governments of other works, which is, or ought to be, in the countries. Louis XIV. toiled and tormenthands of every citizen, will show their ed himself, and all Europe, through a long feasibility as to the funds; and it deve- life, to acquire glory. He made unjust wars, lops a part of the advantages with which obtained many victories,and suffered many the systein must be attended. But nei. defeats. lle augmented the standing ther that distinguished statesman, nor armies of France from forty thousand. any other human being, could detail and to two hundred thousand men; and thus set forth all the advantages that would obliged the other powers of Europe to arise from such a system carried to its augment their means of defence in that proper extent.

They are incalculably proportion; means which have drained great, and unspeakably various. They the public treasuries, and oppressed the would bind the States together in a band people of Europe ever since. And what of union that every one could perceive, is the glory that now remains to the naine that every one must cherish, and nothing of Louis XIV? Only the canal of Lan. could destroy. This of itself is an ad- guedoc. This indeed is a title to true vantage so great, if considered in all its glory; and it is almost the only subject consequences, that it seems almost use- on which his name is now mentioned in less to notice any other. It would fa- France but with opprobrium and detescilitate the means of instructing the tation. people ; it would teach them to cherish The government of England expended the union as the source of their happi: one hundred and thirty-nine millions ness, and to know why it was so; and sterling in the war undertaken to subjuthis is a considerable portion of the edu- gate the American colonies. This sum, cation they require. It would greatly about six hundred millions of dollars, laid increase the value of property, and the out in the construction of canals, at twenty wealth of individuals, and ihereby enable thousand dollars a mile, would have

made

war.

made thirty thousand miles of canal; accommodating their mode of attack and about the same length of way as all the defence to all the variety of positions present post-roads in the United States and movements cominon

to ships of and their territories; or a line that would reach once and a quarter round the globe I know not how far I may differ in of this earth, on the circle of the equator. opinion from those among you who may Or if the same sum could be distributed have turned their attention to the subject in a series of progressive improvements, to which I now allude; or whether any a part in canals, and a part in roads, person present has really investigated it. bridges, and school-establishments, be- But I should not feel casy to lose the ginning with two millions a-year, accordo present occasion (the only one that my ing to the proposition of the secretary of retired life renders it pribable I shall the treasury, and increasing, as the surplus ever bave of addressing you) to express revenue would increase, to ten or fitteen my private opinion that the means of millions a-year, it would make a garden submarine attack, invented and proposed of the United States, and people it with by one of our citizens, carries in itself the a race of men worthy to enjoy it; a gar- eventual destruction of naval tyranny, den extending over a Continent :-giving I should hope and believe, if it were a glorious example to mankind of the taken up and adopted by our governoperation of the true principles of so- ment, subjected to a rigid and regular ciety, the principles recognized in your course of experiments, open and public, government. Many persons now in be- so that its powers might be ascertained ing, might live to see this change effect, and its merits known to the world, it ed; and most of us might live to enjoy it would save this nation from future in anticipation, by seeing it begun. foreign wars, and deliver it from all

The greatest real embarrassment we apprehension of having its commercial labor under at present, arises from our pursuits and its peaceful improvements commercial relations; the only point of ever after interrupted. It might rid the contact between us, and the unjust go• seas of all the buccaneers, both great and vernments of Europe. By their various small, that now infest them; it might free and violent aggressions, they are con

mankind from the scourge of naval stantly disturbing our repose, and causing wars, one of the greatest calamities they us considerable expenses. In this case now suffer, and to which I can see no what is to be done? We cannot by

other end. compact, expect to obtain justice, nor These opinions may be thought hazard. the liberty of the seas from those govern- But I beg my fellow citizens to merrs; it is not in the nature of their or- believe that I have examined the subject, ganisation. Shall we think of overpow- or I should not hazard them. Several ering them in their own way, by a navy of the great arts that are now grown stronger than theirs; brutal force against

familiar

common life brutal force, like the ponderous powers thought visionary. This fact should of Europe among themselves? This at render us cautious of making up our present is impossible; and if it were pos- judgınent against an object like this, in sible, or whenever it should be possible, the higher order of meclianical combina, it would be extremely impolitic; it would tions, before we have well considered it. be dangerous, if not totally destructive, With this observation I drop the subject; to all our plans of improvement, and even or rather I resign it into abler jands; to the governinent itself.

the hands of those who bave the power, Has then a beneticent Providence, the as well as inclination, to pursue the best God of order and justice, pointed out good of our beloved country.' another mode of defence, by which the I should not bave introduced it in this resources of this nation may be reserved place were it not for its immediate con for works of peace, and the advancement nexion with the means of commencing of huinan happiness?' Has the genius of and prosecuting those vast interior ima science and of art, raised up a new Ar- provements which the state of our nation chinedes to guide the fire of heaven su imperiously demands, which the he. against the fleets that may annoy us? roes of our revolution, the sages of our I cannot but hope it has; not by the early councils, the genius of civilization, ardent mirror; but by means altogether the cause of suffering humanity, have more certain, less dependent on external placed within our power, and confided to circunstances, capable of varying and our charge. MONTULY MAG. No. 19 1.

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34
Dr. Olinthus Gregory's Second Answer

[Feb. 1, For the Monthly Magazine. before one of the most eminent and DR. OLINTHUS GREGORY's second answer impartial of those tribunals, and in that

to the EDINBURGH REVIEWERS. of your numerous readers, for a patient I N your valuable Magazine for August hearing.

last, you inserted a letter which was At the end of nearly eight months, refused admission in the Edinburgh from their receipt of my first letter, the lleview, and in which I proved that Edinburyl Reviewers have honoured the writer of the Cricque, in that work, me with an elaborate reply; a deviation, . on the Account of Steain Engines, in in my favour, from their usual and safer the second volume of iny “: Mecha- plan of total silence, for which I am pics," bad, in the short con pass of a note duly grateful. In this reply of ten of ten Imes, told four positive false- pages, they have distributed artful inishoods. The truth of this charge is now representations, and direct falsehoods, adınitted by the Edinburgh Reviewers, wiih what profusion, which may be exso far as relates to two of their asser- pected from persons who have abuntions; they deny my charge in relation dance of one kind of commodity at to the third assertion, by telling a new cominand, and very little of any other: falschood; and palliate the fourthi, by. Quo modo pyris desci jubet Culubur hospes. admitting that their language was ambi- A complete answer to such a letter as guous. There is, therefore, (to adopt theirs, would be far too voluminous lo the wary language of these scientific appear in a miscellaneous Journal. I defamers) a probability falling short shall only trouble you with a short stateof certainty by a quantity incalculably ment, which I hope you can immediately small,” that the Edinburgh Reviewer's insert, and which the extensive circulawill be regarded, by every attentive tion of your Magazine may render as reader, as self-convicted liars. What public as the slanders it refuies. right they can have to plead inad- Even thus far I should have thought it vertence, in bar of this conclusion, necdless to intrude my concerns into when deliberately and explicitly charging your work, could I depend upon the me with a general habit of, and parti: same candour, good sense, and refleccular instances of, plagiarism, I am rery tion, in every reader of the Edinburgh willing the public should determine. Reviewv, which I have met with on this

I am sorry, Sir, to occupy your va- occasion, ainong my own literary acluable payes with my personal concerns. quaintance. One of my friends, a gen. If the Edinburgh Reviewers, who invetleman of the higheat literary and scien

Jong ago forleited all reputation for tific reputation,* so forcibly describes justice, honour, and liberality, had not the impression produced upon his mind renounced that of courage also; if they by the Edinburgh Reviewers' epistle, lad dred to adinit inte their own work, that I beg leave to quote part of his letter. my refutation of thicir own calumnies, “ I have just read,” says he, “the I should have souglit no other redress. Edinburgh Reviewers' epistle to you; Kot salished, bwerer, with denying and I think you may very readily rest me, in the first instance, the right of satisfied withi the general result of the vindicating my fame as an author, ilcy public judgment, which must necessarily have attacked my character as a man, be open to the following facts, even from and publicly pledged themselves to the Reviewers' own statement. allow me no opportunity of defending 1. That the Edinburgh Reviewers have it, and to make no retraction of their found the effect of your former exposure of charges, though I should succeed in their misrepresentations to be so poweriul, proving them false! As far as their as to feel and acknowledye cl:e pecessity of

making power extends, my reputation, it seems,

reply; and thus, to take a step is to perish. Ilappily, it is not within they have never taken before, one which their power. Despicable vanity, to suppose it was, or that I should suffer them to escape with impunity! Though they unnecessarily to the rancour of the Edinburgh

His name I suppress, not to expose him shrink from meeting me on equal terms, Reviewers. The praise they have bestowed they are still within my reach. There upon one of his works, would be no security are tribunals in this enlightened country, against their virulent abuse in future, nor at which literary assassins, however even against their condemnation of the same cou ardly or ferocious, may be compelled work, if we may judge from their treatment to appear. I trust, Sir, in your liberali- of Pinkerton's " Geography,” after they had ty, tur permission to bring my cause quarrelled with the proprietors of that book.

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