has been withheld. That they have not profited by the notorious Allen legislation, which so disgraced the State last year, is wholly due to an aroused public opinion, the attitude of the press and the work of the League.

At the recent election there was witnessed a notable example of independent voting. The Republican party reasonably met the demands of reformers in its nomination of the new assessing officers, but named one candidate of bad record. The Democratic party reversed this, naming but one satisfactory candidate. An extemporized reform non-partisan committee of well-known citizens investigated the qualifications of the candidates and published the results, using the methods and experts of the Voters League. As a result, all the eight candidates supported by the committee were elected, the Republican condemned running some 17,000 votes behind his ticket.

The great question before us is the solution of the street railway problem. Reformers are bound not to permit the companies to have fifty-year extensions under the corrupt Allen legislation. A solution that shall reasonably recognize public rights and result in better relations between the city and the companies is earnestly desired and will be reached when the street railway interests finally abandon their claim to extensions without compensation.

Permit me to add that our main effort should be, in my opinion, to recover representative government. I do not mean that we should not limit the field of municipal legislation so-called and extend the functions of the executive to some extent, but all public officials must be made more responsive to public opinion.

November 30, 1898.

EDWIN BURRITT SMITH.

ST. LOUIS, MO.

The past year has been an important one in our city from the reform standpoint. Early in January a most strenuous effort was made tbrough a committee representing nearly every interest in the city to have a civil service or merit system provision included in a set of amendments then being prepared for submission to the voters by the Municipal Assembly. A petition of 20,000 names was presented, thousands of personal letters were sent in, the press of the city was unanimous in recommending the measure, and yet in face of all this the request was insolently denied and no such provision included. When the four amendments were submitted to the people they were found to relate to street improvment almost exclusively, and the administration hoped to rush them through under the delusive cry of "good streets." But when the microscope of public safety was applied, a dozen or more opportunities for fat contracts, public loot and official

steals were discovered, and when it was remembered that the men submitting these danger-fraught amendments had refused the citizens the safeguard which appointment solely for merit would have insured, a great wave of indignation swept through the city, and on election day defeated the amendments by a vote of four to one.

Of course, this result was not brought about without great labor on the part of the reform workers. Had nothing been done by them, it is safe to say that the amendments would have been forced down the throats of the citizens and taxpayers by the powerful administration machine. The election was set for July 12-a time when many of our citizens are away, and those who are not take little interest because of the heat. The crying necessity for street improvement in many sectious, it was hoped, would aid the scheme. The cry was "$20,000,000 for good streets in one year," but it did not work.

Another most encouraging feature of the election was the preservation of the integrity of the ballot and an honest count. There had been no revision of the poll books for fifteen months prior to the election, and it was ascertained that in many districts more than a clear majority of the voters had changed their residence, thus disfranchising themselves and at the same time furnishing abundant material for the professional repeater. It was also learned that an attempt was to be made to use gangs of "Indians" from ward to ward. Recognizing this danger, a house to house canvass was made by the Civic Federation, and the name and address of every registered voter who had removed was secured and then tabulated by voting precincts and typewritten in triplicate. Through a shrewd piece of political management, the privilege of naming the watchers and challengers at every voting place was obtained from the Democratic Central Committee and five hunared appointed (and paid at the rate of $3.00 per day), and each of whom was given the list of disqualified voters in his district, with instructions to challenge any one attempting to vote any name on his list. A reward of $100 for every case of attempted fraud was posted at every polling place, signed by six prominent citizens, a gang of kodak experts in buggies was employed, and, in addition, a corps of good strong men was ready to respond to any call for emergencies.

All these measures had a most successful termination, and the "gang" was so competely taken by surprise that the election was attended with less trouble than any heretofore.

We feel greatly encouraged over our success. We are beginning to feel that we can see some results of our past three years of patient toil. Our plans are laid far ahead, and we hope and sincerely believe that we will succeed in ridding our city of the men who have long been conducting the public affairs solely for private gain and advantage and in establishing a business administration of capable, upright and intelligent men in their places.

December, 1898.

A. R. VERDIER.

THE LAW ENFORCEMENT SOCIETY OF BROOKLYN.

The Law Enforcement Society of Brooklyn was incorporated December 13, 1894. The particular object of the society is to secure a more efficient enforcement of the law in the City of Brooklyn and County of Kings. It makes no other claim, nor can the society be legally used for any other purpose. Every good citizen, no matter what may be his or her party affiliations or political faith, is eligible to membership. The society is, and necessarily must continue to be, absolutely nonpartisan. The society represents not the party to which the citizen may belong, but the citizen himself and the unquestioned rights and privileges belonging to him, as defined in the law.

The theory upon which the Society acts is that crime may best be prevented by a vigorous and impartial enforcement of the laws against crime, which the people have themselves enacted for the protection of all. The policy of the Society has been, in order to bring about "a more efficient enforcement of the law," to assist the officials who are paid by the people of all parties, to discharge their duties intelligently and efficiently and to insist that they impartially enforce the law against crime, without regard to the effect which the result might bring to personal or party interests.

A study of the subject at the inception of the Society convinced the promoters that the laws as enacted, in theory, gave ample protection to the citizens. That there was an abundance, even a surplus, of officials well paid to enforce the laws, root out, and in future prevent, the evils complained of. Observation brought conviction that evils existed because the laws, as they were, were not enforced by officials who were paid for, and had sworn to perform, this duty. Experience has demonstrated that the efforts of individual citizens and societies to enforce the laws in particular cases, while successful in some instances, were discouraging because of repeated failures.

The aim of the Society has been to unite law-loving citizens in an effort to assist when we can, and compel when we must, the officials. While the active members of the Society have been called “reformers." "informers," and nearly everything else the enemies of good government could invent, in reality there is no "reform," properly so-called, in the movement. The Society is in reality a Citizens' Committee to see that the officials who are paid for this service simply do their duty and enforce the laws impartially, and thus give us the good government contemplated in the laws, and desired by all good citizens.

These principles seem very simple. They are certainly very farreaching. To put them properly into practice means a revolution of the present methods of conducting city government in the United States in many places. The efforts of the Society in putting them into practice has roused the full force and power of those opposed to our aims. Opposition was expected, but such fierce, malignant, persistent and united effort to "down the Society" and thwart our purposes has

THE LAW ENFORCEMENT SOCIETY OF BROOKLYN.

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probably never been encountered by a similar organization. ciety, however, has lived through it all. Our efforts have been greatly crippled and the far-reaching effect of our work has not been as great as was desired, principally because the good citizen withheld his support in our time of need, because he gave heed to the clamor of our opponents, and cultivated a doubt designedly raised in his mind by this clamor, as to our sincerity, ability, or the desirability of carrying out our purposes.

Our methods of work are simple. Complaints come in, we investigate them. First, as to the facts; then as to the law. We then go with the complaint to the official having charge of this particular branch of the government. A stir is invariably created in official circles. The official knows our complaints are not without foundation, although he makes an effort to make it appear so in many instances. He must, for his reputation, make an effort to perform his duty, and in most instances this is effectively done. The evil is suppressed, and care is taken that complaints of a similar kind do not reach him through the same source. The official knows that, unlike the ordinary citizen, the Society is not easily discouraged, that we have the facilities for following up our cases. He does not covet the exposure which failure to do his duty is bound to bring. He makes a virtue of necessity, does his duty by enforcing the law, thus suppressing the evil complained of. As this is the ordinary routine work of the Society, thousands of such cases have been thus attended to of which the public is not informed. The good results, however, are apparent in the better government of Brooklyn since our Society was established. No flagrant breach of the law can occur without our Society becoming aware of it. By communicating with the proper official, he is also made aware of it. With many an official now to know is to do.

Simply stated, the theory upon which the Society operates for better government, is to put the machinery already in hand into practical effective operation for enforcing the laws as they already exist. First, here is the law; second, here is a violation; third, here is an official paid to enforce this law in this case. Bring these three things together in the proper manner and you have the desired result-better government.

T. DE QUINCY TULLY.