" pear to be rather schools of litiga tion than of learning," as their returns relate almost wholly to the progress of their law-suits with their tenants, which seem as numerous and successful as those of Sir Condy Rack-rent, who lost every one of his suits but seventeen.' We have next an account of the share which the Church has taken in these institutions for instructing the Irish; and it appears, though every Diocese in Ireland is bound to support a school, yet that it is impossible to make the contributions forthcoming from the Clergy; their purses remaining, as our author wittily observes, impenetrably closed, even to the" Open, Sesainé" of the law. In addition to Diocesan Schools, the law also ordains every incumbent in Ireland either to teach, or cause to be taught, within his vicarage or rectory, one school, as the law requires; and oaths are imposed to render this provision efficient. But it is all to no purpose, as the Church of Ireland, though potent to exact, seems to possess no power of returning any thing to the country, in the shape of morality or instruction; and accordingly the universal return, in this case, to the Parliamentary inquiries is, "No school-no scholars." author concludes this point of his subject, with ridiculing the various societies which have started up, under the various designations of the Kildare-Street Society, the London Hibernian Society," &c.; and which, professing to instruct the Irish, are utterly destroyed by their alloy of proselytism. Our We have an inquiry into the origin of tithes, conducted on the principle suggested by the Roman poet, Ridentem dicere verum Quid vetat ? The writer, indeed, possesses the rare faculty of clothing reason in the garb of pleasantry, and in the finest vein of irony; and while he appears to be amusing himself, and to be disporting, as it were, in the summer skies of his own imagination, the clouds of his indignation begin to roll, and his enemies are crushed, before they are aware, by the thunderbolt of his reason. The question, as to the divine origin of tithes, he soon settles in a powerful strain of sarcastic argument; and the next point he comes to is the civil right of the Clergy to these tithes, which he discusses in the following terms: The most antient law concerning this right in England was made by Offa, King of Mercia, who, having murdered under his own roof, Ethelbert, King of the East Angles, who had come to sue for his daughter in marriage, invested the Church, by way of atoning for this bloody violation of hospitality, with a legal property and inheritance in Tithes. Such is the origin to which the Clergy themselves refer for the first establishment of Tithes as a Civil right in England; and it is thought by them, at this day, a sufficient reason for taking a fifth or fourth of the rental of all England, that King Offa, in the year 753, could ing a present of the tenth part of his donot sleep easy in his bed, without makmains to the Clergy. He was followed by another pious pa tron of the Church, King Ethelwolf, who, being alarmed by threats of fresh invasion from the Danes, consulted his Clergy as to the most efficacious mode of propitiating Heaven, and averting the calamity. The Clergy recommended Tithes, as a specific in all such cases; and King Ethelwolf, improving on the piety of Offa, who had given them but a tenth of his own domains, made over to them that proportion of the produce of the whole kingdom-by the blessing of which donation, as well as of three hundred marks annually to the Pope, for the purchase of oil for the lamps at St. Peter's and St. Paul's, he got rid of his royal panic about the Danes, found Tithes, as he says in his Charter, "beneficial to the health of his soul," and, like Swift's generous country-gentleman, who, out of his great bounty, Built a bridge at the expence of the county, saddled posterity with the payment of his "soul's health" for ever. 66 "Thus," says the Reverend Mr Cove, triumphantly, were the Saxon Clergy endowed with a legal, hereditary, and permanent right and property in Tithes, by which their successors have ever since holden them, and by which they are as fully entitled to and possessed of their tenth parts, as all proprietors of lands are of the other nine." That is to say, King tenth part of any actual estates or posses. Ethelwolf gave to the Church-not the sions, for here lies the fallacy under which Tithes are represented as property-but the tenth part of what King Ethelwolf did not then possess, and therefore could not grant away; namely, all future profits and increase upon lands, arising from the labour and skill of husbandmen yet unborn—or, in other words, a mortgage, without equity of redemption, upon the industry of all future English farmers for ever. This, too, because King Ethelwolf was in a fright about the Danes, and thought the only chance of safety, for either his soul or his body, lay in filling the pockets of the Priests of England with money, and the lamps of St. Peter's, at Rome, with oil. In fact, till the time of Henry VIII., there was no effective statute law, to en. force the payment of Tithes in England. The Church had, it is true, for centuries before, brought into play the whole battery of decrees, canons, and curses, for the purpose of establishing a right to these dues; but the people had never, either by themselves or their representa. tives, consented to such an encroachment on their property. The exaction of Tithes, therefore, under the authority of Papal decrees, was in no respect different from the rest of those pious robberies, which his Holiness, the Pope, was in the habit of committing on all the high-ways of Europe. We have a most lively sketch of the gradual progress of public opinion in Ireland, of the emancipation of Parliament from its direct subjection to the English ministry, who held it in such bondage, that it could not originate any measure of importance, of the arts played off by the court, to counteract the patriotic spirit rising in Ireland,—and, finally, we come to the period when the Penal Laws against the Catholics began to be relaxed. The various scenes to which those changes gave rise, and their effects on the prospects of the Rock family, in other words, on the spirit of discontent, are described with our author's usual force and liveliness. The first relaxations of the Penal Laws were not very material, and were merely negative in their effects. The most important concession was the repeal of that barbarous law by which the Roman Catholics were prevented from inherit ing property; and on this conciliatory spirit appearing, the writer, Captain Rock, describes himself as alarm ed, lest his calling should be at an end; but comforting himself, how ever, in this case, that if the English Government steadily pursued courses of peace and of conciliation, the land would be a scene of comfort and happiness. His father, however, he represents as taking quite different, and, as he says, in his ironical style, far more consolatory views of the matter; and he delivers his opisuch just and powerful reflection, nions on the subject in a strain of that we cannot forbear giving our readers this specimen of our author's style: I grant you, that if the Government were likely to follow up, with a willing spirit, this first step of liberality towards Ireland, and to remove cordially, and at once, every link of her irritating chains from her, the future history of the Rocks would be a dreary and inglorious blank. But there is no fear, my children, of such a deviation from the usual course of nature, as a wise and liberal administration of the government of Ireland would exhibit; and even did the Protestant Church condescend to work miracles, this is the very last she would willingly have a hand in. No, no-it may possibly happen again, in some moment of embar rassment and weakness like the present, that a few further concessions may be wrung from the fears of our rulers: but the very circumstances under which such boons are extorted, leave the giver with. out gratitude; and the old system of exclusion and oppression under which our family have so long prospered, will, instead of suffering any material interrupjustice, rather return to its iniquities tion by these momentary aberrations into with a refreshed spirit, and take revenge for the loss of those few instruments of mischief which it surrenders, by a doubly vigorous use of the many that will still remain in its hands. So far, indeed, (continued my father,) from foreseeing any mischief to the Rock cause, in these partial measures of enfranchisement which our rulers so reluc tantly grant, it is the very mode of proceeding which, had I the means of influencing their councils, I would myself suggest for the perpetuation of that discord which is so dear to us. Give the Catholic (I would say) just enough of liberty and power to inspire him with strength; while, at the same time, you pride, and make him feel his own withhold all that could gratify this pride, and employ the strength which you have bestowed upon him against, instead of for, you. In short, loosen his chains no more than will enable him to be pugnacious with effect, and leave him nothing to be grateful for, but the power of doing you mischief. This, my dear children, is the very plan I would myself recommend, for keeping the flame of discord as lively among us, as the inextinguishable fire of St. Bridget at Kildare. Under the Penal Laws, we were benighted and hopeless,-complete enfranchisement would make us enlightened and satisfied ;—it is only in the twilight state between, that those false lights and spectral appearances are abroad, by which men's optics are deceived, and their imaginations led astray ;-it is only after having tasted the cup of liberty, without being suffered to allay our awakened thirst, that that feverish and almost maddened excitement comes on, which is so favourable to the views of our ancient family, and which the Government-take the word of old Captain Rock for it-will long cherish and keep alive for our advancement and honour. These, accordingly, we are assued, were just views of the effects that would spring from the incongruous system now pursued in Ireland. These concessions were forced reluctantly from the predominant party in Ireland. They were never hearty in the cause of conciliation; and therefore they never gave effect to the laws which were made in favour of the Catholics; so that, in many cases, they remained a dead letter, while the laws against them were brought into constant and active play. They were weapons that never were allow ed to rust for want of use; and it happened, unfortunately, that just at the time that some concessions were made to the Catholics, other arbitrary laws were put in force, for the avowed purpose of putting down riot and discontent, but which really had the effect of increasing it. This is described by our author in one of his spirited and characteristic illustrations. He observes: Just at the time when the long-enjoyed sport of hunting Catholics, with Penal statutes, was given up, a new pack of laws was put into training, of the very same blood-hound breed of legislation, which, under names as various as those of Acteon's kennel in Ovid, (Whiteboy Acts, Riot Acts, &c. &c.,) have kept the same game full in view ever since, thus contriving, with a care equal to that of the Game Laws in England, to preserve to our Orange country-gentlemen their right of a Catholic chasse, uninterruptedly, though under different forms, down to the present day. We may observe that Burke, in he endeavoured to turn this nation one of those noble orations by which from the madness of the first American war, expresses himself strongly on the same subject, namely, the folly of attempting to mix conciliation with terror and threats. The passage is in a strain of the highest sublimity; it is reason seated on its throne, and not, as we have it from the merry Captain Rock, clothed in the garb of wit. Mr Burke is speaking of some conciliatory proposal, which he says he would wish to go out to America without the attendance of certain Penal Bills. "Alone," he observes, "I could answer for its success. I cannot be certain of its reception in the bad company it may keep, In such heterogeneous assortments, the most innocent person will lose the effect of his innocency. Though you send out this angel of peace, you are sending out a destroying angel too; and what would be the effect of the conflict of these two adverse spirits, or which would predominate in the end, is what I dare not say; whether the lenient measures would cause American passion to subside, or the severe would increase its fury. All this is in the hand of Providence; yet now, even now, I should confide in the prevailing virtue, and efficacious operation of lenity; though working in darkness and in chaos, in the midst of all this unnatural and turbid combination, I should hope it might produce order and beauty in the end." One great grievance under which Ireland labours is the enormous taxes paid by its Catholic inhabitants for the support of the Protestant establishment; and the nature of this brevity and force by this writer. The oppression is set forth with equal use of an establishment, it is obvious, is to teach the people their religious duties; and to answer this purpose, it must of necessity be agreeable to will not be taught by them. On this the people, for otherwise the people principle, accordingly, we have an Episcopal establishment in England, and a Presbyterian establishment in Scotland, those different forms of wor ship being agreeable to the majority of the people. In Ireland, however, though the majority of the people are Catholics, they have a Protestant establishment, not moderately supported, as it ought to be, but drawing immense wealth from a people whom it does not teach, who do not like its form of worship, and who, therefore, in addition to their religious instructors paid for not teaching them, have to pay others, whom they like better, for doing this duty. The Irish are chiefly Catholics, the Protestants not amounting to 500,000, among a population of 7,000,000; and this dis proportion is daily increasing in favour of the Catholics. Hence it happens, that in many parishes there is no Protestant congregation,-no church,-no parsonage-house; but still the Catholic inhabitants are heavily taxed to pay for this nonentity of a Protestant church. Our author shews, by indisputable facts, how rapidly the scale is preponderating in favour of the Catholic population. In the south of Ireland there were formerly in the town of Belfast not more than 300 Catholics; there are now 3500. In the Diocese of Derry, also, in the north of Ireland, the population is rated at 85 Protestants, 60 Dissenters, and 4650 Catholics. In the south they are increasing still more rapidly. In Kerry, according to a return in 1733, by the collectors of hearth-money, the two rates were as 12 to 1; in 1808, Mr Wakefield was informed they were 100 to 1. In other parishes, there were, in 1797, 3750 Catholics to 51 Protestants; and in 1811, 4120 to 15 Protestants; and every where it appears that the Protestants are falling away; so that, according to our author's beautiful illustration, "the waters, on which the ark of the establishment is riding, are ebbing from beneath it with a degree of rapidity which threatens, ere long, to leave it dry and motionless." The evil here is, First, The great disproportion of Catholics and Protestants, owing to which we are likely to have a Church without a congregation: Secondly, The enormous and overgrown wealth of that Church drawn from a people to whom it can be of no use; and, Thirdly, The oppressive mode in which its revenues are collected from the poorest classes. VOL. XIV. The Church of Ireland posesses, it is estimated, in addition to its claim of tithes, two millions of acres of landed property. The Church property in the diocese of Derry cannot be worth much less than three millions sterling. Three archbishops, who have died since the Union, and who originally were worth nothing, are known to have died worth £.800,000. Now, when it is considered that this Church cannot be useful but to a small proportion of the people, it appears a just cause of complaint, that so much money should be uselessly lavished on it. Our author calls this one of the "monstrous anomalies of which Ireland is the victim,-that of a Clergy better paid for not teaching sixsevenths of the population, than the Clergy of any other country in Europe are for instructing the whole of theirs." The mode of collection is also singularly oppressive and vexatious, inasmuch as it has to be wrung from the poorest class of the population. The dues of the Church, payable to support the splendour of Archbishops and Bishops, are farmed out to collectors and sub-collectors, who must extort them often from a miserable peasantry, by the hardest means, by seizing on the cow, the only dependence of the wretched family for support, and driving it away amid the lamentations of helpless children, and the execrations of the people. Such spectacles as those, for the support of religion, cannot but be regarded as a strange inconsistency, and the people cannot be much disposed to hear re ligious instruction from the mouth of their oppressors. Our author, in his characteristic language, says, he cannot well understand "by what process, even of Irish exaction, an establishment so preposterously, so insultingly rich, can have been spun out of the entrails of the very poorest people in Europe. Indeed, (he continues,) the old notion of extracting sun-beams from cucumbers seems rivalled by the art with which this church has contrived to extort splendour and magnificence out of a population of paupers." The Church, too, it will be observed, advances its claims for a tenth of all that increase which the capital 3 U and skill of an improving age shall draw from the soil, so that there is no end of its demands. While its duties are gradually decreasing through the decrease of its powers, its demands are increasing; its wealth increases, while its duties are diminishing; and thus it is fast becoming one great ecclesiastical sinecure, a mere useless drain on the resources of the community, and a dead weight on its industry. Our author having thus shewn the maxims of the Church, in the receiving of her own dues, proceeds to shew how she acts in paying the dues of others. There are certain claims fixed on the Church by Acts of Parliament, such as the First Fruits, which it is well known are the first year's income of every Ecclesiastical dignity or benefice, and were paid to the Crown, from the time of the Reformation till the reign of Queen Ann, when they were given up as a fund for the increase of small livings, and the purchase of glebes. Now, although there is a statute of Henry VIII., made for revising the value of their livings, so as that they shall always pay a tenth, yet the old rate is invariably continued, notwithstanding the great rise which has taken place in the value of Church property. The consequence of this is, that this fund, which in England may be estimated at £.12,000 per annum, is found altogether inadequate to its purposes; and it is computed, to use our author's words, always characteristic, that unless the Bishops and rich_pluralists are compelled to pay real First Fruits and Tenths, such as they exact from others, some hundreds of years must elapse before the operation of Queen Ann's Fund alone shall have raised the value of the smaller livings, even a single degree above the starving temperature." In Ireland, however, the case is, as usual, tenfold worse; and the Fund of First Fruits, from the richest Church in the world, does not average more than £.370 a-year. This Fund, if fairly levied, might go to the repair of churches, &c., or to defray the expence of other casualties; instead of which, however, the Catholics are further taxed, for the repairs of Protestant Churches, by vestries in which they have no vote; and scarcely a shilling is spent on ornamenting a Protestant Church, which is not wrung by parochial assessment from the Catholic occupants of the district. Church-rates are even levied on the famishing peasantry, by rich Protestant Ministers, for the purchase of Communion Elements. The following is part of a parley that Captain Rock is supposed to have with the Church on this subject: It appears that, since the Union, 47 Episcopal appointments have been made, the First Fruits of which, if assessed and levied according to their "just and true value," would have amounted to at least £300,000,-without taking into account the immense sum which the dues payable from the inferior Clergy would have produced in the same time. shed, might have been spared to the How much misery, tears, and bloodwretched people, if these sums had been applied to the purposes for which the law intended them, and thus rendered unne by which a starving peasantry is compel cessary a few of those most odious taxes, led to make up for the deficiencies of a rich but wilfully insolvent Church,-how much odium, ill-blood, and discord, might have been avoided, if such a Fund had even been employed towards the remis sion of those disgraceful Rates, by which the pig-stye of the poor Catholic is made tributary to the ornamental spire of the Protestant: and wretches, who are all but starving themselves, are taxed to provide wine-how far such salutary effects might the Church with Sacramental bread and have been produced, by a little more obedience, on the part of the Church, to the laws, not only of the land, but of humanity and religion, it is not for Captain Rock to insist upon at present, in an instrument which is intended to be neither retrospective nor criminatory. But the Captain hereby engages for himself and his people, that if the Church, as the most considerable and wholesale aggressor, will but take the first step in a return to the paths of honesty and justice, by discharging in future those dues which the law requires from her, he will be most happy, without delay, to meet her on the grand question of tithes, and on all other matters at issue between them, in such a conciliatory spirit as shall not only facilitate discussion, but lead at length to a complete and final arrangement of all their differences. of the Church to accept the assurances of In the meantime, Captain Rock begs his high consideration, &c. &c. &c. &c. |