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tion, at defiance,-which compelled you to turn aside to the right hand or to the left, in quest of a ford or bridge, though these might lie considerably out of your way? If you have ever, kind and experienced friend, met with any little incident of this sort, you will be the more disposed to enter into my feelings and embarrassments on the present occasion. It did occur to me, some weeks ago, that, within the recesses of my own skull, there were some notions respecting the long and violently-contested subjunctive mood, which were not less original than just. When I viewed the subject, like the spire of some city of the plain from a distance, it seemed quite distinct, and quite accessible, and quite at hand; so off I set accordingly, at hop-stepand-jump pace, all reckless of obstructions and intervening obstacles. But I had not advanced many paces, when I got fairly embogged; and now I find myself, like the rustic in the fable, expecting the deflux of a river, which seems very much disposed to run on. Here I have sat, evening after evening, surrounded with 66 mays, cans, mights, coulds, woulds, and shoulds, with true subjunctives, and false subjunctives-futurities that are past, and past tenses that are to be considered as future," till my brain has absolutely become a fairy knowe, filled with visions of "unreal mockeries *." At times, I have been enabled to perceive something like plan and consistency, there appeared, at least occasionally, to be a method in my madness; but, on a nearer approach, what seemed fair and well proportioned, vanished into obscurity and confusion, into a kind of "Morgana phantasmagoria," a panorama in the clouds, and melting and shifting away with them into shreds and patches. Thus circumstanced, I have done as Poet Thomson did when he set out upon his journey to London. I have burnt all my MS. upon the subject, and betaken myself, for this month at least, to more inviting and less intricate "reveries." But let none of those numerous writers over whose systems my future lucubrations on subjunctive tense and application are about to pass in darken

ing eclipse, imagine, that, because I have delayed, I have therefore relinquished my purpose. So soon as I have collected, from the original sources, a sufficient number of examples to bear me out in my speculations, I shall then speak intelligibly, and to the conviction, as I hope, of all who have neither thought or written upon the subject. In the mean time, as I have alluded to rivers, and passages, and so forth, what suppose we convey ourselves at once to the banks of the Rhone, with Hannibal's army, and, since we cannot make a good passage for ourselves, see what we can do for him?

Hannibal, we find, in the xxvii. chapter of the 21st book of Livy, has dismissed Hanno about twenty-five miles up the left bank of the Rhone, in order to effect a passage, and to conduct an ambuscade upon the Gauls on the opposite side of the river. "Ad id dati duces Galli edocent, inde millia quinque et viginti ferme supra, parvæ insulæ circumfusum amnem, latiorem ubi dividebatur, eoque minus alto alveo, transitum ostendere: ibi raptim cæsa materia, ratesque fabricatæ in quibus equi virique et alia onera trajicerentur. Hispanis sine ulla mole, in utres vestimentis conjectis, ipsi cætris suppositis incubantes, flumen transnavere.' From all which it is manifest, that horse and man passed over the river either on rafts, or on the shields which the Spaniards placed under them in swimming. There is no reference whatever had here to fording, in the common acceptation of the term. It is by means of navigation, in one shape or another, that the whole process is conducted. This being undeniably the fact, it may naturally be asked, why was a broad and comparatively shallow (alveo minus alto) part of the river selected? Since neither horse nor man were to wade the stream-why is shallowness made a recommendation? One would think, on the contrary, that where the water ran deep and slow, i. e. in a more poolish situation, there would have been the most convenient navigation. Is there not an apparent inconsistency, therefore, betwixt the selection which is made by Hanno, of

Kean reads this, "unreal, mockery," as two separate appellatives, which is certainly the true reading.

what is represented as a convenient ford, and the manner in which we find, after all, the passage conducted and effected? This inconsistency has occurred to several scholars of the highest character, and the most extensive reading; and, so far as is known to me, no satisfactory solution has yet been devised. In these circumstances, it is worth while to make an attempt; "to yoke a plough where Patrick thought to till" shews some spirit; it is aiming at a gown, when a sleeve, at least, may fall to one's portion. Let us try, then, what we can make of it.

And, in the first place, in whatever way the circumstance may be explained, the shallowness of the ford was certainly a recommendation even in the case of navigation; for Cæsar, in speaking of a passage over the same Rhone, observes -De Bel. Gal. lib. i., cap. 8.," Helvetii ea spe dejecti, navibus junctis ratibusque compluribus factis, alii vadis Rhodani qua minima altitudo fluminis erat," &c. Here the same selection is made by the Helvetii, who dwelt upon the banks of the Rhone, which had been previously made by the Gaulish guides many years before; in both cases, the "minus altus alveus," or the "minima altitudo fluminis," are considered as advantageous for navigation, or crossing in rafts and boats. This fact being then clearly established, and the difficulty being understood, let us proceed in our attempt to solve it. Rafts or boats suddenly constructed, for a temporary purpose, such as for crossing a deep and a rapid river, are moved, and can only be advantageously moved, by means of oars, or long poles applied to the banks and to the bottom of the stream, and used, not only in imparting motion, but likewise in giving direction to the floating mass. To the use of oars there are considerable objections: a large clumsy boat, or, what is more generally the case in such navigation, a number of boats joined together, (naves junctæ,) are not easily impelled by oars, particularly in cases where the force of the stream is acting at right angles with the propelling force of the oar. In consequence of this, we find "conti," or long poles, made use of in such

circumstances. Charon's boat is thus impelled over Styx, in the sixth book of Virgil

"Ipse ratem conto subigit ;"

and in the eight epistle of the eight book of Pliny, we find it averred of the Clitumnus, "Idem ægerrime remis contisque superetur adversis ;" whenever, in fact, the rapidity of the river was great, in all such navigation, "conti," or long poles, became indispensable; there was no possibility of stemming the current, and of propelling the raft or warpage of boats without them. The "Rhodanus" was proverbially rapid, and, according to Cæsar, in his second chapter of his first book on the Gallic war," latissimus,” atque “ altissimus," at the same time; so that, to any one endeavouring to effect a passage, "riding or wading" was altogether out of the question. In such circumstances, therefore, it became evidently an object to find a place where the stream of the deep and rapid river was divided, and spread over a broader channel; not, indeed, with the view of wading, but in reference to the propelling, by means of poles, of these heavy masses, or rafts, upon which the rapidity of the stream must have made a very considerable impression. The comparative shallowness of the water at once presented an opportunity for reaching the bottom of the stream conveniently, with the sharpened point of the pole, and, at the same time, implied a diminution, in proportion to the encreased width of the stream, of that force which, in a more contracted and embanked situation, the river would naturally possess. It is quite true, that, in neither instances above quoted, do the historians make any mention of these " conti," but it is equally true, that no such minute and particular detail could have been reasonably expected. It was as much a matter of inference with them, that the rates, "ad presentem usum," as the translator of Polybius has it, paratæ," would require the impelling and divesting power of the "conti," as it is with us, that, when a vessel leaves port, on a sea voyage, she shall have the advantage of rudder and sails, though these be not mentioned.

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In the xliii. chapter of the same 21st book, there is another passage which has afforded much speculation among the critics. It forms a part of Hannibal's speech before the battle of Ticinus, at the foot of the Alps, and after he had amused his soldiers with the gladiatorship of his Alpine captives, and runs thus, following the pointing in Hunter's Livy: "Ac nescio, an majora vincula, majoresque necessitates, vobis quam captivis vestris fortuna circumdederit. Dexterâ levâque duo maria claudunt, nullam, ne ad effugium quidem, navem habentibus,— circa Padus amnis *** ab tergo Alpes urgent," &c. Upon this passage, Gronovius, Grævius, Crevier, Drakenborch, Stroth, and others, have delivered various opinions, and proposed a great variety of alterations. Some are for substituting "habentes" for "habentibus," whilst others wish to throw out "claudunt" altogether, or to associate it with the following substantive, "effugium." By all of these methods, a violence is done to the MS. reading, and there. fore, if any thing like sense can be brought out of the present reading, by the help of pointing in particular, a great object is attained. It appears to me, accordingly, that, without altering, or transposing, or leaving out any one word or syllable, by the mere help of pointing, Hannibal's meaning may be tolerably well made out. His object evidently is to impress upon the minds of his soldiers, that they are even worse situated, in many respects, than the captives whom they had just seen relieved from their chains, to engage in combat. They were enchained, as it were, he says, on all sides; by the "mare supernum," and the " mare inferum," on the right and left, by the Po in front, and by the Alps in the rear; and this, or something very like this, may be gathered from the words thus pointed: "Ac nescio an majora vincula majoresque necessitates vobis quam captivis vestris fortuna circumdederit, (dextra levaque

duo maria claudunt,) nullam ne ad effugium quidem navem habentibus," &c. If this solution be deemed harsh, on account of the break at "dextra levaque," I have only to say, that where a difficulty manifestly exists, it is well if, without violence, we can even make decent sense of the words as they stand. But, as Dr H. judiciously expresses it, "De his omnibus penes lectorem judicium esto."

At the conclusion of this same speech of Hannibal, we find the following sentences: "Crudelissima (says he, speaking of the Romans) ac superbissima gens sua omnia sui arbitrii facit"-" They have no rule but their own caprice.' "Cum quibus bellum, cum quibus pacem habeamus se modum imponere æquum, censet"-"They dictate to us imperiously with whom we are to have peace or war!" "Circumscribit, includitque nos terminis montium fluminumque quos ne excedamus"

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They circumscribe, and shut us up within the boundaries of mountains and rivers, which we are forbid to pass." Neque eos quos statuit terminos observat"-" But this is not all, they do not even keep to the boundaries which they themselves have so arbitrarily fixed." "Ne transieris Iberum". "You shall not (say they) pass the Ebro." But scarcely have they fixed upon this boundary, when it is capriciously and arbitrarily shifted. Ne quid rei tibi sit cum Saguntinis"-" You shall not even approach the Ebro as near as Saguntum-you shall have nothing to say to the Saguntines." And their reasoning is quite of a piece with their justice, for they hold it as a settled point that Saguntum is on the Ebro. "Ad Iberum est Saguntum," say they; because, (as in the second chapter of this same book,) it had been agreed upon betwixt Rome and Carthage, "Ut finis utriusque imperii esset amnis Iberus, Saguntinisque mediis inter imperia duorum populorum, libertas servaretur. This being the case, we shall be so circumscribed, by this

* It does not seem to have occurred to our ingenious friend, that, by the arrange. ment above proposed, and which, with all deference, we consider somewhat violent, the words "nullam ne ad effugium quidem navem habentibus" should refer to and describe "captivis," and not “vobis;" which is neither the meaning of Hannibal nor Livy. If this objection be well founded, it is of course fatal to the proposed emenda

tion.

EDITOR.

encroaching process, at last, that they will say to us, as, in point of fact, they have already said, "Nusquam te vestigio moveris"-"You may not move one step on this side or on that." Then Hannibal, after having represented, through the latter part of this address, Rome as speaking, and accosting him as the representative of Carthage, becomes still more impassioned and figurative, conjuring up into his presence, and emphatically apostrophising Rome-"Parum est quod veterrimas provincias meas, Siciliam et Sardiniam adimis, etiam Hispanias"-"It is not enough (says he) that you, O Rome! deprive me of Sicily and Sardinia, you must thus have the Spains also. You have only to proceed as you have done, by assuming Saguntum to be on the Ebro, to possess yourself of the whole Peninsula. And not only so, you will not be content with the Spains," "Inde cessero, in Africam transcendes"-" When you have driven me out of Spain, you will pass over into Africa." Will, did I say?" Transcendes autem dico?". "You have already done it ;" and so forth.

Now, it does appear to me, that the whole of this passage, as thus rendered, coheres, and seems to fall in with, the general scope and tendency of Hannibal's reasoning. Scholars, however, of eminence, and, amongst these, Mr Carson, Rector of the High School of Edinburgh, than whom there are few better entitled to decide upon any subject of the kind, have objected to this view, and have given a different sense, in consequence of what has been deemed an improvement in the pointing of the passage Instead of reading" ad Iberum est Saguntum," as assertive, or affirmative, they conceive it to be interrogative, and consequently negative. "Ne transieris Iberum"-" You shall not pass the Ebro." "Ne quid rei tibi sit cum Saguntinis"-"You shall have nothing to say to the Saguntines." And then, all at once, Hannibal is conceived as shifting the supposed speaker "Rome," in these sentences, into his own proper person; and under this character, he exclaims indignantly, “Ad Iberum est Sa

guntum?"-" Is Saguntum on the Ebro? Is there any one present (says he) who does not see the fallacy of this supposition!" Having said this, however, in his own person, and addressed to his own soldiers, he again, and without more ado, resumes his former bearing, and continues the Address to Rome, which had been thus abruptly broken off→ "Nusquam te vestigio moveris." That these last words are really meant to apply in the same manner, and to the same person, with the former, "Ne transieris-Ne quid rei sit," is evident from the similarity of mood and tense. Whenever, as happens in the very next sentence, Hannibal begins to speak in his own person or character, it is not "ademeris," but "adimis." And then he continues, You not only deprive me of "Sicily and Sardinia," but even of the Spains.

Now, the inconsistency, or incongruity, of this sudden break, implied in the interrogation made use of by Hannibal, in the middle of his apostrophe, appears to me to militate strongly against the views of these eminent critics; whereas, by adopting the meaning which I have endeavoured to bring out, all appears to me to go on smoothly and in consistency with the speaker's state of mind at the time. "Ad Iberum est Saguntum." Saguntum is on the Ebro-Haddington is on the Forth. Why, by this method of reasoning, this progressively ruens acervus, you may prove, ultimately, the pillars of Hercules to be on the Tagus, and Portpatrick upon the Tweed!

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Hannibal was well aware of the fallacy of his own reasoning. He knew, that, by the express words of the League with Carthage, the Ebro, taken in connection with the Saguntines, who were allies of Rome, was to be considered as the boundary betwixt the territories of the two rival states. He knew, that, although Carthage, even after the league with Rome, began her operations in Spain, by subduing Cartija, the Vaccæi, Hermandica, and Arbocala, with the Carpetani, and, in a word, as Livy expresses it, " omnia trans Iberum

Vide Edinburgh Quarterly Review, No. III. p. 494.

+ ΤΟΝ ΙΒΗΡΑ ΠΟΤΑΜΟΝ ΜΗ ΔΙΑΒΑΙΝΕΙΝ ΕΠΙ ΠΟΙΕΜΩ KAPXHAONIOTE, &c. &c.

Vide Polyb. lib. 3. cap. 29.-passim.

præter Saguntinos," (cap. 5;) yet so long as these Saguntini, the expressly avowed and stipulated allies of Rome, remained unassailed, he knew that no resistance was made, no remonstrance was offered to the extension of Carthagenian domination in Spain. The "Fædus quod Populus Romanus renovaverat, at the end of the first Punic War, had this import," Ut finis utriusque populi esset amnis Iberus;" this was the great and leading boundary; but there was one expressly stipulated modification, and it was this: that a particular people, which had already called in the assistance of the Romans, in the case of a civil emergency, and which was, at the time, upon the best terms with Rome, but which lay on the Carthaginian side of the stipulated line of boundary, should, notwithstanding, be included in the territory of Rome, as much as if it had dwelt on the other side of the Ebro; and hence Livy adds, "Saguntinis que mediis inter imperia duorum populorum;" he considers the Saguntíni as much in the middle, on the stipulated line of demarcation, betwixt the "Imperia duorum populorum," as if they had actually inhabited the banks of the Ebro. It was not only said by Rome to Carthage, "Ne transieris Iberum," but likewise, "Utriusque populi socii ab utroque populo tuti sunto.' Saguntinis," in particular, "libertas servetur;" and hence, though on the whole line of separation betwixt Rome and Carthage the Ebro was to be regarded, generally, as the ultimate boundary, yet, in the neighbourhood of the sea, this line was to be deflected from the Ebro towards New Carthage, in order to comprehend the Roman allies, the Saguntines. Hannibal, accordingly, takes ad. vantage of this seeming inconsistency betwixt the general rule and the particular exception. He assumes it, as the league expressed it, that the Ebro was the boundary, and, under this supposition, he makes it a matter of aggression in the eyes of his soldiery, that Saguntun should be considered as situated on the Ebro.

With respect to the interrogation inserted in all versions of the text which I have seen, after the word "Hispanias," I cannot help feeling,

though I may not be capable of enunciating distinctly my meaning, that this likewise is superfluous, and rather tends to weaken than to strengthen the force of Hannibal's reasoning. "Parum est," says Hannibal, addressing himself directly to the personified presence of Rome,speaking, in short, as if Rome were an actually present person, "Parum est"-"It is a small matter, no doubt, in your estimation”—“ quod veterrimas provincias meas, Siciliam et Sardinian, adimis"-" that you deprive me, by aggression, of my ancient provinces, Sicily and Sardinia." All this is "parum"-a mere trifle in your estimation ;-you must proceed still farther than this, with a vengeance to you !—and nothing will satisfy you but the Spains likewise! And let me once concede to you the conquest you are after, these Spains, upon which you are laying your clutches, (adimis,) you will not stop there, but even affect Africa-Carthage herself. "Will, did I say? Nay, you have already done so," &c.

Now, let us see how this passage reads with the help of the interrogation: "Parum est quod Siciliam et Sardiniam adimis. Etiam Hispanias?"-" It is a mere trifle, as you seem to think, your taking Sicily and Sardinia from me. Do you also presume to take the Spains?" And here, according to this view, the climax of Rome's ambition and injustice should terminate. "You have already done one thing, do you now dare to accomplish another?" But, according to Hannibal's previous statement, the assumption of Sicily and Sardinia was not more a matter of fact (for adimis is applied to both) than that of the Spains." You stride," says he, "from the Ebro to Saguntum, and, by the same method of progress, over all Spain-there is no fixing any boundary to your aggressions. There can be no question upon these facts, which are now matters of record; but you will not stop here; you will, upon my abdication of the Spains, pass into Africa. Will, did I say? Nay, even this extreme of ambitious outrage you have already carried into effect." This too, as well as the former enumeration, is a matter of record, not of supposition. SIGMA.

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