42 DANIEL WEBSTER. now. Her independence has already been recognized by our government; but it is yet to be decided whether this nation is to be cursed with an extension of its slave territory. What say you, freemen of the North? Shall Texas be admitted into the Union? Will you willingly hug a viper to your own bosoms? There is but one alternative left you-inundate congress, at its next session, with remonstrances against the admission of Texas, or you sign at once the death warrant of American freedom. Efforts are already being made for the admission of Florida as a slaveholding state. Should these efforts prove successful-but may heaven forbid it!-should Texas also be admitted, the slaveholding states would outnumber the free states-there being already thirteen slave to thirteen free states. And Texas alone is sufficiently large for, and probably will ultimately be divided into, some six or eight states. The liberty of the free states would exist only in name, were they to be outnumbered by the slave states. In such an event, a darker cloud would hang over the United States than ever did before: and wo to that "fanatic" who might then talk of the abolition of slavery, even in the District of Columbia! We might then expect to see all the horrors of slavery-horrors to which those of the French revolution bear but a feeble comparison-visited upon the heads of all who might dare to raise their voice in behalf of their down-trodden colored brethren! Shall Texas be admitted into the Union? We again ask. Freemen, will you willingly submit to the manacles of slavery? If you would not, arouse from your slumbers, and thunder in the ears of the tyrants who are already forging chains for you and your children, your determination still to be free.-From the American Citizen. Slave Trade.-We have learned that great calculations are already making by slavers on the coast, on the increased demand and advanced price of slaves which it is confidently anticipated will take place on the erection of Texas into an independent government. It has been rumored that offers have been made by a commercial house in New Orleans, to a slaver on the coast, for a certain number of slaves, to be delivered in a specified period; and the only circumstance which prevented the consummation of the bargain was, that the slaver refused to be responsible for the slaves after they should be put on board. These facts, we think are important to be known, as the christian and philanthropic world may learn from them what they are upholding when they are defending Texas.-Liberia Heratd. DANIEL WEBSTER. But when we come to speak of admitting new states, the subject assumes an entirely different aspect. Our rights and our duties are then both different. The free states, and all the states, are then at liberty to accept, or to reject. When it is proposed to bring new members into this political partnership, the old members have a right to say on what terms such new members are to come in, and what they are to bring along with them. In my opinion, the people of the United States will not consent to bring a new, vastly extensive, a slaveholding country, large enough for half a dozen or a dozen states, into the Union. In my opinion they ought not to consent to it. Indeed I am altogether at a loss to conceive, what possible benefits any part of this country can expect to derive from such annexation. All benefit, to any part is at least doubtful and uncertain; the objections obvious, plain, and strong. On the general question of slavery, a great portion of the community is already strongly excited. The subject has not only attracted attention as a question of politics, but it has struck a far deeper toned chord. It has arrested the religious feelings of the country; it has taken strong hold on the consciences of men. He is a rash man, indeed, little conversant with human nature, and especially has he a very erroneous estimate of the character of the people of this country, who supposes that a feeling of this kind is to be trifled with, or despised. It will assuredly cause itself to be respected. It may be reasoned with, it may be made willing, I believe it is entirely willing to fulfil all existing engagements, and all existing duties, to uphold and defend the constitution, as it is established, with whatever regrets about some provisions, which it does actually contain. But to coerce it into silence, -to endeavor to restrain its free expression, to seek to compress and confine it, warm as it is and more heated as such endeavors would inevitably render it,-should all this be attempted, I know nothing even in the constitution, or in the Union itself, which would not be endangered by the explosion which might follow. I see, therefore, no polítical necessity for the annexation of Texas to the Union; no advantages to be derived from it; and objections to it, of a strong, and in my judgment, decisive character.-Address in Niblo's Garden, 1837. WILLIAM JAY. Fellow citizens, a crisis has arrived in which we must maintain our rights, or surrender them for ever. I speak not to abolitionists alone, but to all who value the liberty of our fathers achieved. Do you ask what we have to do with slavery ?-Let our muzzled presses answerlet the mobs excited against us by merchants and politicians answerlet the gag laws threatened by our governors and legislatures answer, let the conduct of the National Government answer. In 1826, Mexico and Columbia being at war with Spain, proposed carrying their armies into Cuba, a Spanish colony. These republics had abolished slavery within their own limits, and it was feared that if they conquered Cuba they would give LIBERTY to the thousands there enchained. And what did our liberty-loving government do? Why they sent on special messengers to Panama to threaten our sister republics with WAR if they dared to invade Cuba. Nor was this all; a minister was sent to Spain, and ordered to urge upon the Spanish monarch the policy of making peace with his revolted colonies, lest if the war continued, nearly a million of human beings should recover and enjoy the 44 THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT-TEXAS. rights of man. What have we to do with slavery? Is it nothing that nineteen Senators were found to vote for a bill establishing in every post town a censorship of the press, and that a citizen of New York gave a casting vote in favor of the abomination, and has received as his reward, the office of President of the United States? Is it nothing that our own representatives have spurned our petitions at the mandate of slaveholders? What have we to do with slavery? Look at the loathsome community, just sprung into being on our southern border, the progeny of treason and robbery, a vile republic, organized for the express purpose of re-establishing slavery on a soil from which it had been lately expelled; and providing for its perpetual continuance by constitutional provisions, and daring to insult us, with the offer of a monopoly of its trade in human flesh.-Yet northern speculators and politicians in conjunction with slaveholders, are now plotting to compel us to receive this den of scorpions into our bosom, to admit Texas into our confederacy, with a territory capable of furnishing eight or nine more slave states, and by thus giving to the enemies of human rights, an overwhelmning majority in congress, to subject this northern country to the dominion of the South; and perhaps before long, to cause the crack of the whip and the clank of chains to re-echo on our hills, and our fields to be polluted with the blood and tears of slaves. To effect a speedy union with Texas, endeavors are now making to involve us in a war with Mexico, and when the unholy alliance shall have been consummated, then farewell to republican freedom, to christian morals, to happiness at home, or to respect abroad. This fair land, once the glory of all lands, will become a bye word, a reproach. and a hissing to all people, and we and our children will be taught by bitter experience, what the North had to do with slavery.— Address, July 4, 1837. THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT. TEXAS. MR. BARLOW Hoy rose to call the attention of the House to the present state of affairs in the Texas.-The importance of that territory was well known to all who were acquainted with its geographical position. Mr. Huskisson, aware that the United States would be desirous to annex the Texas to their territory, laid it down as a maxim, that Great Britain should on no account allow America to extend her boundary in the direction of Mexico.-It was notorious that an enor mous importation of slaves took place into the Texas, and if this system were allowed to continue, all the sums which we had expended in endeavoring to suppress the traffic in slaves would have been thrown away. If we did not co-operate with Mexico in endeavouring to preserve the Texas for Mexico, and thus to prevent the importation of slaves into the Mexican territory, we had better at once withdraw our fleet from the coast of Africa, and abandon Sierra Leone. The United States, appeared to be acting a faithless part; they kept the boundary question open both with respect to Mexico and Great Britain. If they had not some sinister motive for keeping the question RELIGIOUS AND MORAL TESTIMONY. 45 open, it ought to have been settled long since, as it would have been, if the United States had accepted the mediation of the King of Holland. It was not the standard of liberty and independence which was raised in the Texas, but the pirate's flag, under cover of which the slave-trade was carried on. We had interfered in the affairs of Holland and Belgium, Portugal and Spain; why, then, should we not remonstrate in a friendly manner with the United States upon the conduct which they were pursuing with regard to the Texas? MR. O'CONNEL thought that humanity was indebted to the Hon. Member for bringing this question before the House. It was only by the expression of public opinion that we could hope to check the progress of one of the most horrible evils the human mind could contemplate-viz. the formation of eight or nine additional slaveholding states. The revolt of Texas was founded on nothing else but the abolition of slavery by the Mexican government. In 1824, the Mexican government had pronounced that no person after that period should be born a slave. In 1829 they went further, and abolished slavery, and immediately followed the revolt of the landholders, who had settled themselves in Texas. Who could contemplate without horror the calculation, as in the case of stocking a farm, what was the necessary complement of men and women, and when they would be ready and ripe for the market? It was a blot which no other country but America had ever yet suffered to stain its history-no nation on the face of the earth had ever been degraded by such crimes, except the high-spirited North American Republic. Talk of the progress of democratic principle! No man admired it more than he did. What became of it when its principal advocates could not be persuaded to abstain from such species of traffic as this? Texas had speculated on it. COLONEL THOMPSON asked whether it was not the fact that all the inhabitants of this province were Americans, and not Mexicans? It had been said in former times, ubi Romane vincis, ibi habitas; and with equal truth it might now be said, that where an American conquered there he carried slavery as a necessary of life.—March 9th, 1837. RELIGIOUS AND MORAL TESTIMONY. PRESBYTERIAN SYNOD of New York and Philadelphia, 1787. The Synod of New York and Philadelphia, (1787,) do highly approve of the general principles in favor of universal liberty that prevail in America, and the interest which many of the states have taken in promoting the abolition of slavery. They earnestly recommend it to all the members belonging to their communion, to give those persons who are at present held in servitude, such good education as to prepare them for the better enjoyment of freedom. And they moreover recommend that masters, whenever they find servants disposed to make a just improvement of the privilege, would give them a peculium, or grant them sufficient time, and sufficient means of procuring their own liberty at a moderate rate; that thereby they may be brought into society with those habits of industry that may render them useful 46 RELIGIOUS AND MORAL TESTIMONY. citizens. And finally, they recommend it to all their people to use the most prudent measures, consistent with the interests and the state of civil society in the countries where they live, to procure eventually the final abolition of slavery in America. Advice given by the Assembly, in relation to Slavery, in 1815. "The General Assembly have repeatedly declared their cordial approbation of those principles of civil liberty which appear to be recognized by the Federal and State governments, in these United States. They have expressed their regret that the slavery of the Africans and of their descendants still continues in so many places, and even among those within the pale of the Church; and have urged the Presbyteries under their care, to adopt such measures as will secure at least to the rising generation of slaves, within the bounds of the Church, a religious education; that they may be prepared for the exercise and enjoyment of liberty, when God, in his providence may open a door for their emancipation. "A full expression of the Assembly's views of Slavery, in 1818. "We consider the voluntary enslaving of one part of the human race by another, as a gross violation of the most precious and sacred rights of human nature; as utterly inconsistent with the law of God which requires us to love our neighbor as ourselves; and as totally irreconcilable with the spirit and principles of the gospel of Christ, which enjoin that 'all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them.' Slavery creates a paradox in the moral system-it exhibits rational, accountable, and immortal beings in such circumstances as scarcely to leave them the power of moral action. It exhibits them as dependant on the will of others, whether they shall receive religious instruction; whether they shall know and worship the true God; whether they shall enjoy the ordinances of the gospel; whether they shall perform the duties and cherish the endearments of husbands and wives, parents and children, neighbors and friends; whether they shall preserve their chastity and purity, or regard the dictates of justice and humanity. Such are some of the consequences of slavery; consequences not imaginary, but which connect themselves with its very existence. The evils to which the slave is always exposed, often take place in their very worst degree and form; and where all of them do not take place, still the slave is deprived of his natural rights, degraded as a human being, and exposed to the danger of passing into the hand of a master who may inflict upon him all the hardships and injuries which inhumanity and avarice may suggest. "We enjoin it on all Church Sessions and Presbyteries to discountenance, and as far as possible to prevent all cruelty, of whatever kind, in the treatment of slaves; especially the cruelty of separating husband and wife, parents and children; and that which consists in selling slaves to those who will either themselves deprive those unhappy people of the blessings of the gospel, or who will transport them to |