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The extent to which church-property accumulates in a country in which the Romish hierarchy have a foothold is a very interesting and important study for American statesmen. It is very desirable that American statesmen should be acquainted with the system of organization and with the history of the Romish hierarchy (see Religion and the State," by Samuel T. Spear; also U. S. Grant's Annual Message of 1875; also Wylie's 'History of Protestantism").

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APPENDIX G (see p. 51).

On the 30th of September, 1875, at the re-union of the Army of the Tennessee, Pres. Grant, according to engagement, delivered an oration. His speech, which he read from a manuscript, was as follows:

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COMRADES, —It always affords me much gratification to meet my comrades in arms of ten and fourteen years ago, and to tell over again from memory the trials and hardships of those days, of hardships imposed for the preservation and perpetuation of our free institutions. We believed then, and we believe now, that we had a government worth fighting for, and, if need be, dying for. How many of our comrades paid the latter price for our preserved Union! Let their heroism and sacrifice be ever green in our memory. Let not the result of their sacrifices be destroyed. The Union and the free institutions for which they died should be held more dear for their sacrifices. We will not deny to any of those who fought against us any privilege under the government which we claim for ourselves; on the contrary, we welcome all such who come forward in good faith to help build up the waste places, and to perpetuate our institutions against all enemies, as brothers in full interest with us in a common heritage; but we are not prepared to apologize for the part we took in the war.

"It is to be hoped that like trials will never again befall our country. In this sentiment no class of people can more heartily

join than the soldier who submitted to the dangers, trials, and hardships of the camp and the battle-field, on whichever side he fought. No class of people are more interested in guarding against a recurrence of those days. Let us, then, begin by guarding against every enemy threatening the prosperity of free republican institutions. I do not bring into this assemblage politics, certainly not partisan politics; but it is a fair subject for the soldiers in their deliberations to consider what may be necessary to secure the prize for which they battled. In a republic like ours, where the citizen is the sovereign, and the official the servant, where no power is exercised except by the will of the people, it is important that the sovereign, the people, should foster intelligence, that intelligence which is to preserve us as a free nation. If we are to have another contest in the near future of our national existence, I predict that the dividing-line will not be Mason and Dixon's, but between patriotism and intelligence on the one side, and superstition, ambition, and ignorance on the other.

"Now, the Centennial year of our national existence, I believe, is a good time to begin the work of strengthening the foundations of the structure commenced by our patriotic forefathers one hundred years ago at Lexington. Let us all labor to add all needful guaranties for the security of free thought, free speech, a free press, pure morals, unfettered religious sentiments, and of equal rights and privileges to all men, irrespective of nationality, color, or religion. Encourage free schools, and resolve that not one dollar appropriated for their support shall be appropriated to the support of any sectarian schools; resolve that neither the state nor nation, nor both combined, shall support institutions of learning other than those sufficient to afford to every child growing up in the land the opportunity of a good common-school education, unmixed with sectarian, pagan, or atheistical dogmas. Leave the matter of religion to the family altar, the church, and the private school supported entirely by private contributions. Keep the Church and the State forever separate. With these safeguards, I believe the battles which created the Army of the Tennessee will not have been fought in vain."

The essayist will here notice that U. S. Grant did not wish, as it is wrongly said that advocates of unsectarian

instruction in public schools wish, to "divorce religion and education." On June 6, 1876, Pres. Grant wrote the following Centennial letter to the editor of "The Sundayschool Times:

"Your favor of yesterday, asking a message from me to the children and youth of the United States to accompany your Centennial number, is this moment received.

"My advice to Sunday schools, no matter of what their denomination, is, ‘Hold fast to the Bible as the sheet-anchor of your liberties; write its precepts in your hearts, and practise them in your lives.'

"To the influence of this book are we indebted for all the progress made in true civilization, and to this we must look as our guide in the future.

666 "Righteousness exalteth a nation; but sin is a reproach to any people.' "Yours respectfully,

"U. S. GRANT."

APPENDIX H (see p. 66).

"The influence of freedom is manifested in the moral elevation, social order, and domestic virtues, of the people. The religion of the Redeemer of mankind has been left to perform its functions by purifying the motives and refining the affections, free from restraint and corruption by the civil power. Thus we have seen atheism rebuked and repelled by the reason to which it presumptuously appealed, law sustained without force, and woman restored to her just influence without the licentious aid of chivalry." Extract from an Oration, by WILLIAM H. SEWARD, on The True Greatness of our Country. - See Works of William H. Seward, vol. iii. p. 16.

APPENDIX I (see p. 70).

George Peabody was born of poor but respectable parents, in the town of Danvers, Mass., in the year 1795. He attended the public school. At eleven years of age he was given employment in a store.

When twenty years

of age he engaged in business in Baltimore. After living for many years in that beautiful city, he visited England, and became established as a banker. In England he was highly honored as a philanthropist. On one occasion Queen Victoria presented him with a beautiful picture of herself, magnificently framed. During his last sickness, the Queen of England would have visited him if he had been well enough to receive visitors. After an impressive funeral-service in the historic Westminster Abbey, "The Monarch," one of England's most formidable men-ofwar, conveyed his body to America.

A brief and even incomplete list of Mr. Peabody's benefactions in the United States may not be uninteresting. In 1852, at the centennial celebration of the municipal life of Danvers, Mr. Peabody presented to the town twenty thousand dollars with the sentiment, "Education, a debt due from present to future generations." With a part of the money a library was to be founded, and with another part a lyceum was to be established, at which a course of free lectures was to be periodically given. Mr. Peabody afterwards added about two hundred and thirty thousand dollars to his first gift. To the county in which his native town is situated he gave another two hundred and fifty thousand dollars for educational purposes. Mr. Peabody, finding that the town of Thetford, Vt, in which he had spent some of the days of his youth, had no public library,

presented the town with the money to establish such an institution. He made also a donation to a library at Newburyport, Mass., and to another at Georgetown near Boston. To Baltimore he gave a million of dollars or more to establish the Peabody Institute,

an institution which already has one of the finest libraries in the United States. To Yale College he gave one hundred and fifty thousand dollars to found and maintain a Museum of Natural History, especially of Zoology and Mineralogy." To Harvard University he gave one hundred and fifty thousand dollars for the founding of a museum and professorship of American archæology and ethnology. To the Peabody Academy of Mississippi he gave one hundred and forty thousand dollars; to Kenyon College, twentyfive thousand dollars; to a church which he built in memorial of his mother, one hundred thousand dollars; to the Massachusetts Historical Society, twenty thousand dollars; to "build up the cause of education in the South," two million dollars, and State bonds of Mississippi, which, if honored (and Mr. Peabody expressed the belief that they would be), would be worth about one million one hundred thousand dollars, — making his gift to this one purpose about three million one hundred thousand dollars. Mr. Peabody, although in ill health and advanced in years, visited America with a special desire to confer with the gentlemen who were acting as trustees of the princely gift to the South. With the last million dollars which he presented these gentlemen he sent a letter, which concluded as follows: "I do this with the earnest hope, and in the sincere trust, that, with God's blessing upon the gifts and upon the deliberations and further action of yourselves and your general agent, it may enlarge the sphere of usefulness already entered upon; and prove a

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