than Paganism. The followers of the Prophet worship the same Creator as the Christians and the Jews; and their religion is free from image-worship, and all kind of idolatry: it practises no cruel rites abhorrent to nature, and is surely preferable to the worship of supposed evil spirits, and the most revolting ceremonies. Yet Major Gray says, somewhat quaintly, The doctrines of Mahomedanism are at right angles with those of Christianity; or if the doctrines be not so widely different, it is unquestionable that their influence produces the most melancholy and opposite results. Mahomedanism may direct the performance of moral duties, its theology may be wise, and its ethics sound: but no abstract rules, however good or salutary, can operate upon the believers, when the interests of its ministers are at open war with them.' Major Gray very judiciously adds, We need not go to Africa or Mahomedanism to illustrate the truth of this position.' In taking leave of this volume, we must observe, that there is a great want of perspicuity and arrangement in the narrative, and the objects and course of the expeditions are no where presented clearly to the view of the reader. The last of Major Gray's travels occupied three years and a half: it is written in the form of a journal, apparently without any selection; and the latitude and longitude of the principal stations being omitted, we can only judge of their position by a constant reference to the map, which is itself crowded and confused. The three years and a half were spent chiefly in fruitless negotiations with the African chiefs, to be allowed to proceed; and, as scarcely a single object has any prominence or relief given to it, which can mark the lapse of time or arrest the attention, the reader is obliged to share all the perplexities of the travellers; and though he is free from the dangers to which they were exposed, yet like them he will also be rejoiced to arrive at the end of their expeditions.

ART. III. The Session of Parliament for 1825; exhibiting the State of Parties and Interests, the Debates and Enactments, and the whole Proceedings of both Houses of the British Legislature during that Period. To be continued annually. 8vo. pp. 492. 15s. Boards. London. Knight and Lacey.

THIS

"HIS is not only a very useful but a very important book; though from the circumstance of its being published so soon after the close of the session of Parliament, necessarily an imperfect one. We would suggest, that, in future, more

time should be allowed for the selection and better arrangement of the materials.

Debates in the two Houses of Parliament have assumed a new character. Instead of long-drawn arguments, relative to foreign relations, the marching and counter-marching of armies, the equipment of fleets, battles, sieges, and evacuations, the merits and demerits of naval and military officers, or the collisions of opinion, and the struggles of parties, the two Houses are now chiefly occupied in discussing and improving the multiplied interests arising out of our domestic condition. This is indeed a happy change; and whether it has been produced by the natural course of things, the general wisdom of Parliament, or the particular discretion of his Majesty's ministers, it will be hailed by every enlightened mind, and assisted with all the energy of which they are capable, without reference to any political party.

This publication is a condensed report of the proceedings of the two, Houses of Parliament, arranged under distinct heads, and purged of those idle conversations, altercations, and jejune opinions, which so frequently resound within the walls of St. Stephen's; and which, when reported, engage the time, without adding a single iota either to the amusement or the information of the public. Besides, in the regular debates, subjects are taken up, dismissed, and resumed, at wide intervals: all is disjointed, as it were; and when we desire to know all that has been said in behalf of a measure, or in opposition to it, a multitude of pages must be turned over; we must go from the House of Commons to-day, to the House of Lords to-morrow; we must attend to all the readings in both Houses before we can be said to have even a superficial knowlege of the subject in hand: whereas upon the plan on which this publication is formed, we are present at the beginning, and glide on to the result, as easily as if we were reading a regularly digested history of the country.

The book is divided into eleven chapters: the first of which is devoted to the state and influence of parties; the second and third are compounded of opinions and information, collected from the Reports made to the two Houses during the last session relative to that all-important subject the state of Ireland:-in which are stated the causes of her anomalous condition, arising out of the imperfection and mal-administration of the law, and the unwise policy, which, for so many ages, has marked the progress of almost every administration that has exercised an influence over her moral and political condition. We are then led into the causes of the increase of the Irish population, the amount of the poor-rates, the C 3 sub

subject of tithes, and the mode of collection; the system of subletting; the power of landlords to distrain crops; and the description of houses, food, employment, and wages of the laboring class. These vital subjects are followed by an account of the forty-shilling freeholders; the jurisdiction of the county courts; the power, influence, and character of the local magistracy, and the consequent state of the peasantry. These are succeeded by a summary of the evidence presented to the Committee, in regard to combinations and secret oaths; remarks on the state and influence of the clergy, the penal laws, the effects of the orange and ribbon systems, the origin and progress of the Catholic Association, and other subjects connected with the state of the sister-kingdom.

The fourth chapter opens with the regular affairs of Parliament; beginning, of course, with the King's speech. The history of the Catholic Association, and the great question relative to the laws affecting the Catholic interests, form the most prominent features of the whole session: but as these subjects would occupy a vast deal more space than we can afford to devote to them, and as a superficial view of them would be of no practical use whatever, we must refer those who desire to be fully masters of those subjects to the work before us; where they will find a much more copious and lucid statement of the arguments on both sides than in any publication with which we are acquainted.

The sixth chapter comprises the public measures proposed and rejected. Measures of this description,' says the editor, were neither so numerous, nor of such general importance, as in preceding years. There was no general proposition for a reform in the representation, and no such sweeping proposal for a reduction of taxes, or for an inquiry into the measures of the servants of the crown, as had, upon other occasions, been made. It is probable, that the tranquil state of the country had taken off a great deal of the interest of a measure of the former description out of doors; and that the lessening of the public burdens, which, though small and gradual, had been brought about by ministers themselves, had left less room for any proposal of the latter kind. There was another circumstance, which tended to paralyze the exertions of the Opposition: they were not only without an acknowleged leader, but without combination of purpose, and therefore the minor schemes which they introduced were introduced more as the schemes of individuals than those of a party; consequently, while this circumstance tended to lessen their number, it tended also to take off a very considerable portion of their interest.'

The

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The motion for a repeal of the law authorizing the use of springguns is deserving of notice. This measure originated with a select number of landed proprietors, with a view of protecting their own gamekeepers, several of whom had been recently wounded by the engines which they had themselves set for the purpose of inflicting summary punishment upon poachers. The bill passed the House of Peers, but was lost in the House of Commons by a majority of one only; and that was owing, we are told, to one of the honorable and learned members for Nottingham having been asleep at the time of division, and, by mistake, counted on the side opposite to that which he intended to support. Another useful measure, proposed and rejected, was that introduced by Mr. Martin of Galway, for the purpose of bringing within the pale of the law all such persons as should attend dog-fighting, bear-baiting, and similar disgraceful sports. Mr. Martin stated, that he had conversed with almost every police-officer in or near the metropolis, and that they were unanimously of opinion, that nothing was more practically conducive to crime than such sports were, since they led the lower orders to gambling; educated them for thieves, and gradually trained them to bloodshed and murder. The bill was, however, rejected by a considerable majority, The amendment of the game-laws came also under consideration. The object was to repeal all former acts, imposing penalties upon persons destroying, selling, or having game in their possession, and to substitute another general act, authorizing the sale of game; and specifying that the word 'game' should mean hares, partridges, pheasants, black game, grouse, heath, moor game, and bustards,' and those only. This bill was lost by a majority of fifteen out of sixty

one.

Among the most important discussions of the session was the debate on the delays of the Court of Chancery, a subject which has long, and not altogether fruitlessly, employed the attention of Parliament. Mr. Williams, member for Lincoln, having, on the presentation of several petitions, complained of the inefficiency of the commission appointed to take the subject of Chancery abuses into consideration, Sir Francis Burdett moved an Address to the King, praying that he would be pleased to cause the evidence taken before the Commissioners to be laid before the House. This motion was made chiefly upon the ground that the powers of the Commissioners were extremely limited; that the Commissioners themselves were so much engaged in their own private concerns, they had little or no time for the exercise of their duties as Chancery-commissioners; and that, instead of digging to the root of the evil, —

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the

the inquiry into the construction and nature of the Court itself, they had wasted their time in investigating the conduct of mere subalterns. This proposition, which, perhaps, was intended merely for the purpose of keeping the subject alive, was lost by a division of 73 against 154.

The seventh chapter enters into the subjects of the financial statement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the reduction of taxes and duties, and other measures arising out of that statement. This is followed by a detail of the measures adopted by Parliament relating to trade and commerce; as the uniformity of weights and measures, the fisheries, the repeal of the Act of 2d of William and Mary relative to the importation of silk, the Mauritius Trade Act, and the still more important regulation which has taken place in regard to the Quarantine Laws; by which it has been determined, that all vessels liable to quarantine are bound, under a penalty, to make certain signals, either on meeting other vessels, or when within two leagues of the kingdom. The act also gives to the Privy Council the power of ordering vessels from the West Indies, or the two continents of America, to any place which they may deem proper, as often as there is reason to apprehend that the yellow fever prevails in the countries whence they may have sailed.

6

The act passed during this session allowing companies of more than six members to issue promissory notes in Ireland, provided the same be done at places fifty miles from Dublin; allowing persons resident in Britain to be members of Irish trading companies; making the members liable individually, and regulating the whole of the details;' is justly expected to conduce very much to the prosperity of that part of the United Kingdom, in consequence of the stability it is calculated to give to the private banks; many of which, under the old system, were productive of great mischief, and tended strongly to diminish the general security of property. This act has been already taken advantage of by two highly respectable and opulent companies.

The ninth chapter, which is a very important one, gives a summary of measures relating to the administration of justice, and enters so far into the details of each measure, as to give the general reader a pretty clear insight into those enactments which have done so much credit to the last session. The first was an act for consolidating and amending the laws regarding jurors and juries; a measure fraught with utility: for it not only tends to simplify the law on the subject, but gives security against the packing and corruption of juries. The act passed relative to the bankrupt-laws appears to have little reference to an im