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that the delay in discharging the cargoes of rice from the vessels in Madras roads, had no other object tlian that of raising the price of grain and other provisions, with which the magazines were already abundantly supplied; that the storm which destroyed them, took place on the 2d of October, 1782, after infallible signs of its terrible approach had been announced to all the world for eight days; that if Mr. Willoughby had been governor, instead of the cruel Macartney, (the same Macartney he observes, who went ambassador to China, from whence, God be praised, he returned without doing anything,) it is certain that not a soul would have perished of hunger; that while the streets of Madras were crouded with the dead and the dying, the English shewed not the least compassion in passing through the midst of these victims of their infernal system; that they carried their barbarity so far as to drive more than 2000 of these wretches beyond the walls of the city, where they remained three days, stretching their feeble arms towards Madras, to implore the pity of their oppressors; that this dreadful spectacle was regarded by the English with the most revolting insensibility; with much more of a similar kind, repeated over and over, and constantly followed by the most abusive and opprobrious mentiou of the British name.

It is almost unnecessary for us to say, that the whole of this statement is unfounded. In the first place it is false, that the storm happened on the 2d of October; it is equally false that its approach was announced eight days before, or indeed at all. It took place on the 15th of October, and was so little expected, that all the small craft, and the boats of the squadron of Sir Edward Hughes, were employed the whole morning of that day, in carry ing provisions and water to the ships; which were so unprepared for it, that they were obliged to slip their cables and put

It is too absurd to suppose for a moment, that the delay of landing the grain was in the expectation of a storm;' and it is a malevolent falsehood to say that the warehouses were full of grain. The select committee observe, in their letter to Sir Edward Hughes, that the rice then at the Presidency did not exceed thirty thousand bags; that the quantity afloat in the roads was about as much more; that the monthly consumption was, at the least, fifty thousand bags.' And they farther observe, that the number of boats required for the daily service of his squadron, had, in a great measure, deprived thein of the means of landing the grain from the vessels in the road.' The calumny vented against Lord Macartney is scarcely deserving of notice. The comunittee abovementioned observe, that the government had the melancholy truth before it, that no human effort could prevent the fate, which the certain and iminediate prospect of famine presented to the miserable inhabitants of the settlement.' With regard to Lord Macartney individually, he was the first to set the example of sending away every servant of every description, that was not absolutely necessary to be kept; and we can tell this calumniator, from our own knowledge, that the humanity of the government and of individuals · was constant and unremitting, in devising means for mitigating the calamity; and that nourishment was daily distributed to many thousands, under the walls of Madras. It is totally false that 2000 or any number were driven out of the town. On the contrary, a notice was published in various languages, that all who had not a sufficient stock of provisions on hand, and who might choose voluntarily to leave the town, would be supplied with a certain quantity of rice, and furnished with an escort to the provinces which had not suffered; in consequence of which, many thousands were saved.

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But the accuracy of Jacob Haafner is at lease equal to his honesty. He tells us that, no the taking of Sadras, (whither he went å beggar,) he carried away with him 120 pagodas; that the rest of his property consisted in 3000 pagodas in money and merchandise, of which he was plundered by the English; and 1000 pagodas which he had lent to M. de Neys, for the public service. How did he contrive to realize this sum ? did he too oppress the poor Hindoos, after the manner of the English? This accumulation of property, however, is not the ground on which we mean to impeach his integrity. There is a little history respecting the 1000 pagodas lent to M. de Neys, which furnishes a pretty trait in the character of this conscientious Dutchman, for he appears exceedingly anxious throughout his narrative, to be esteemed an honourable man.'

The day after the signing of the articles of capitulation, de Neys apprised Haafner that he had taken out of the public treasury 10,000 pagodas, and that it would be necessary to make the books correspond. Haafner did not greatly relish the proposition, for if this violation of the terms should be discovered, it would expose him to the wrath of Captain Mackay, the English officer, of whom he appears to have entertained a sufficient dread. He advised the governor therefore to replace the money, giving him a hint at the same time concerning the repayment of his thousand pagodas. The governor observed it was too late, for that Captain Mackay had got

the keys; and that if he did not use his best endeavours to extricate him from his embarrassment, he would not only not repay him the thousand pagodas, but also make known to the Company the little zeal which he had manifested for its interests; but that, if he would alter the books, he would not only repay him the thousand pagodas, and make him a handsome present; but

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would also acquaint the directors with his merits in this ticklish affair. Haafner's integrity was not proof against so many temptations. The fear,' says he, of losing my money, the service I should render the Company in snatching a considerable sum from the greedy hands of the English, the hope of accelerating my advancement, and the dread of Mr. Mackay, &c. all these considerations determined me to give myself up to his wishes. And he tells us that he managed this dangerous business of falsifying the books so well, that it was never discovered.

The farther we proceed in the narrative, the more we develope the real character of Jacob Haafner. His sensibility, he, says was too great to suffer him to remain at Madras, (where, by the way, he had been sent as a prisoner of war,) among the scenes of misery which he daily experienced. We can discover, however, another reason, for his quitting this place,—he had outstaid both his reputation and his money. On his arrival, he engaged himself as clerk to an English attorney; he then entered the service of M. de Souza, a Portugueze merchant, who broke his head, turned him out of his house, and sent him 100 pagodas as compensation money. These being nearly exhausted, and no farther supply offering, he was driven to the necessity of purchasing an open boat, só leaky as to be nearly filled with water when launched from the beach. In this crazy machine, at the height of the bad season, when not a vessel can venture to approach the coast, he put to sea with a view to reach Tranquebar, or some other place to the southward. A shot from Fort St. George brought him back, he was conducted as a spy to the government house, and recognized by Major Sydenham, whom he entreated to intercede in his behalf. The Major’s representation, it seems, had the desired effect; for Lord Macartney, after some friendly admonitions respecting prisoners on their parole stealing away from a garrison town, allowed him to proceed--on condition however that he took charge of a packet of letters for Colonel Hamilton, at Tranquebar; a condition which he accepted with apparent satisfaction, and a solemn promise to execute faithfully. This paper then,' said Lord Macartney, ' contains an order to the Colonel to pay you one thousand pagodas, if you fulfil your mission;' and so saying, he shook him by the hand and wished him a good voyage.

Those who were acquainted with this wary statesman, who bestowed his confidence only where he knew it would not be abused; who remember the distant, but dignified deportment of this nobleman, who, with the apparent hauteur, possessed the real urbanity of the old school, will hesitate, with us, in believing that he would commit papers

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any consequence to an enemy taken in the act of breaking his parole; or that he would descend to the familiarity

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of shaking hands with a draggled Dutchman, just escaped from a leaky catamaran.

With the letters however he put off, landing at Sadras and other places, and experiencing many hair breadth escapes both by sea and land.' On the way, he began to debate with himself, whether he should deliver the letters to Colonel Hamilton; and the question proved so difficult to determine, that he was unable to close his eyes. The breach of promise was nothing; that was clearly counterbalanced by the service rendered to his country; the great conflict lay between the loss of the thousand pagodas, and the hatred he felt for the English, to whom the withholding of the letters would occasion an infinite deal of mischief. After a display of much true German sentimentality, he resolved finally to carry Lord Macartney's letters to Pondicherry, and give them up to the French Admiral Suffrein.

A great part of the first volumne is occupied with this expedition, in which he introduces his amours with a girl of fifteen, the daughter of a Dutch serjeant, by a native woman. This 'amiable creature' had been betrothed to a young man whom business had called from Madras to Trincomalee; and Haafner, in his absence, tontrived to seduce her affections. At Tranquebar he again met with her and her mother; indeed his expedition seems to have had no other object than that of following these women for a subsistence. Suspecting that Hyder Ali might pay them a visit, he proposed to go to Jaffnapatnam. The mother refused to accompany him, but delivered her daughter into his hands, to be conveyed to her betrothed husband: the girl, however, chose to remain with Haafner, who informs his readers that she abandoned herself to him entirely and unconditionally; not as his wife, but as his mistress, or as his slave, if he should not deem her worthy of the latter title.' A rhapsody in the finest stile of Kotzebue, brings him to Jaffnapatnam, with this charming girl, in whose company • he forgot all his past misfortunes, all his resolutions, all his projects for the future, his country, and even his friends. With her he determined to occupy a hut at Jaffnapatnam, from whence nothing but death should ever tear him. How he contrived to live here, without money and without employment, he does not condescend to inform us. We are equally at a loss to ascertain bis continuance at this place; he is very sparing of dates, probably not without reason, for he has not been fortunate in the few which he has given. In order however to stamp a kind of authenticity on this adventurous voyage, he has hazarded one here, but with his usual success. It was,' says he,' on Tuesday the 24th November, 1782, about 3 o'clock in the afternoon, that I embarked on board the Chelinga.” Now Francis Moore, and he is no mean

authority,) authority,) tells us, in his Almanack for 1782, that the 24th November of that year, fell on a Sunday. In short, we are quite satisfied that the

whole of this Chelinga expedition, which occupies more than two thirds of the first volume, is neither more nor less than a downright fiction.

We find the author at the opening of the second volume, at Bimilipatnam on the coast of Orissa, preparing for a journey to the southward; and conclude, from some incidental circumstances, that not more than twelve months intervened between his sitting down for life at Jaffnapatnam, and setting out on his journey from Bimilipatnam. Yet in this short period, all traces of his dear Anne (as he calls her) seem to have beca wiped from his memory. Her place is now supplied with a Devadaschie, or Hindoo dancing girl, of the name of Mamia, of whom he is, if possible, more enamoured than he was of the adorable Anne. His amours with this interesting Hindoo certainly form no disagreeable episode. To the sprightliness and activity of Le Vaillant's Narina, Mamia adds feeling and sentiment; her affection appears to have been pure and unshaken, and she lost her life to save that of her lover, who, in our opinion, was little deserving of such a sacritice. The whole work indeed is written in the stile and manner of Le Vaillant's travels in southern Africa, and may probably contain about the same proportion of truth and fiction, as that amusing romance. This part of it would be read with considerable interest, were it not for the constant recurrence of the author's rancorous abuse of the English. His invectives are more violent, and his charges more unfounded if possible, in this, than in the first volume; and he frankly avows, that he is blinded by the hatred which he bears to those despots of India. He consoles himself, however, with reflecting that their dominion cannot last longer than 50 years from

the time of his writing. Yet with the exception of the fright into which he was thrown by Captain Mackay at Sadras, and a little rudeness which he experienced from a young officer who 'd-d the Dutch,' he appears to have had no personal reason to complain of them. On the contrary they seem to have been sufficiently ready to favor his supreme wish de faire fortune. At a choultry near Mazulipatnam, he met with a Mr. Harclay, newly appointed governor of that place. In the course of their conversation, the indiscreet Englishman avowed that he had come out to recruit his finances; that his father, who was a member of parliament, and had ruined himself by play, would himself have come to India to pick up a few hundred thousand pounds, if his health had permitted; that he had been but eight months in India, when he was put in possession of one of the best things on that coast; that the governor of Madras (Lord Macartney) had assured VOL. VII, NO. XIII.

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