[1888-1891 A.D.]

when the ball got rolling they could not or would not stop it. Early in the morning of November 15th, 1889, various regiments, divisions of marine, the military pupils, the police and firemen's brigades assembled on Santa Anna Place, under the leadership of Deodoro de Fonseca, in front of the large barracks with the ministry of war, in which the cabinet had met for consultation. The main entrance to the barracks was treacherously opened from inside, Deodoro entered, the troops fraternised together, and the marshal, in a violent scene, declared the ministry deposed, and as a satisfaction for the army demanded the expatriation of Ouro Preto and of the war minister Candido de Oliveira. As yet there was no word of a republic. Ouro telegraphed to the emperor, who was in the summer residence Petropolis, offering the resignation of the cabinet and asking for instructions. This so important dispatch was not at once delivered by the emperor's body physician, because he wanted first to finish his daily system of douches, etc., and during the loss of this valuable time things in the capital took a wholly new turn. If the emperor had appeared quickly on the scene in person he might have changed matters, for the respect for his person had remained, although in consequence of his illness in latter times the respect for government and throne had been much diminished.

When the emperor in Petropolis finally got news of the events in Rio he at once hastened to the city, where he arrived at three in the afternoon; at the same time the republic was declared in the town hall by José de Patrocinio in the "name of the people," and the army was asked for its assent. In vain did the emperor summon Deodoro to him for consultation; the marshal was not disinclined, but his civil colleagues held him back saying that it was now a question of their heads. The imperial family in the palace was cut off from all communication, and Ouro Preto, who tried to form a new ministry, was arrested in the evening.

The "provisional government" was constituted on November 15th under the presidency of Deodoro, with Benjamin Constant as minister of war. Brazil was declared to be a republican federation, and on November 16th the emperor was ordered to leave the country with his family within twenty-four hours. In the dark of night the imperial family was taken on board the cruiser Paranahyba, and on Sunday, the 17th of November, the ship left the harbour, this time actually carrying the catafalque of the empire. The passenger steamer Alagoas, chartered by the government, which was waiting at the Ilha Grande, took the royal family on board and, accompanied by the armed cruiser Riachuelo as far as the equator, proceeded to Lisbon, where the royal family was welcomed with hearty sympathy by its relatives; the poor empress, the ever-faithful companion of her husband, died shortly afterwards of a broken heart, at Oporto. The emperor followed her on December 5th, 1891, and the two are now buried at Lisbon, far from the fatherland which they truly and warmly loved.g

REPUBLIC OF BRAZIL

Though the overthrow of the imperial dynasty was totally unexpected throughout, the new régime was accepted without any disturbances. Under the leadership of General Deodoro da Fonseca a prætorian system of government, in which the military element was all-powerful, came into existence, and continued till February, 1891, when a national congress assembled and formulated the constitution for the United States of Brazil. The former provinces were converted into states, the only right of the federal government

[1891-1893 A.D.] to interfere in their administration being for the purposes of national defence, the maintenance of public order, or the enforcement of the federal laws. Under the terms of the constitution the legislative authority is exercised by the national congress, with the assent of the president of the republic.

General da Fonseca and General Floriano Peixoto were elected to fill the offices of president and vice-president until the 15th of November, 1894. This implied the continuance of prætorian methods of administration. The older class of more conservative Brazilians, who had formerly taken part in the administration under the emperor, withdrew altogether from public life. Many left Brazil and went into voluntary exile, while others retired to their estates. In the absence of these more respectable elements, the government fell into the hands of a gang of military adventurers and unscrupulous politicians, whose only object was to exploit the national resources for their own benefit. As a consequence, deep-rooted discontent rapidly arose. A conspiracy, of which Admiral Wandenkolk was the prime instigator, was discovered, and those who had taken part in it were banished to the distant state of Amazonas. Disturbances then broke out in Rio Grande do Sul, in consequence of disputes between the official party and the people living in the country districts. Under the leadership of Gumercindo Saravia the country people broke into open revolt in September, 1891. This outbreak was partially suppressed, but afterwards it again burst into flame with great vigour. In view of the discontent, conspiracies, and revolutionary movements, President da Fonseca declared himself dictator. This act, however, met with such strong opposition that he resigned office on 23rd of November, 1891, and Vice-President Floriano Peixoto assumed the presidency.

Floriano Peixoto had been accustomed all his life to use harsh measures. For the first year of his term of office he kept seditious attempts in check, but discontent grew apace. Nor was this surprising to those who knew the corruption in the administration. Concessions and subsidies were given broadcast for worthless undertakings in order to benefit the friends of the president. Brazilian credit gave way under the strain, and evidences were not wanting at the beginning of 1893 that an outburst of public opinion was not far distant. Nevertheless President Peixoto made no effort to reform the methods of administration. Meanwhile, the revolution in Rio Grande do Sul had revived; and in July, 1893, the federal government was forced to send most of the available regular troops to that state to hold the insurgents in check.

REVOLT OF 1893

On September 6th prevailing discontent took definite shape in the form of a naval revolt in the bay of Rio de Janeiro. Admiral Custodio de Mello took command of the naval forces, and demanded the resignation of the president. General Feixoto replied by organising a defence against any attack from the squadron. Admiral Mello, finding that his demands were not complied with, began a bombardment of the city, but did not effect his purpose of compelling Peixoto to resign. The foreign ministers then arranged a compromise between the contending parties, to the effect that President Peixoto should place no artillery in the city, on condition that Admiral Mello should refrain from bombarding the town, provided the president did not place in it heavy artillery. Shortly afterwards the cruiser Republica and a transport ran the gauntlet of the government forts at the entrance of the bay, and proceeded south to the province of Santa Catharina, taking possession of

[1893-1894 A.D.]

Desterro, its capital. A provisional government was proclaimed by the insurgents, with headquarters at Desterro, and communication was opened with Gumercindo Saraiva, the leader of the insurrection in Rio Grande do Sul. It was proposed that the army of some ten thousand men under his command should advance northwards towards Rio de Janeiro, while the insurgent squadron threatened the city of Rio. In November Admiral Mello left Rio de Janeiro in the armoured cruiser Aquidaban and went to Desterro, the naval forces in Rio Bay being left in charge of Admiral Saldanha da Gama, an ardent monarchist, who had thrown in his lot with the insurgent cause. All was, apparently, going well with the revolt, Saraïva having invaded the states of Santa Catharina and Parana, and defeated the government troops in several encounters. Meanwhile, President Peixoto had fortified the approaches to the city of Rio de Janeiro, bought vessels of war in Europe and the United States, and organised the national guard.

Early in 1894 dissensions occurred between Saraïva and Mello, which prevented any advance of the insurgent forces, and allowed Peixoto to perfect his plans. Admiral da Gama, unable to leave the bay of Rio de Janeiro on account of lack of transport for the sick and wounded and the civilians claiming his protection, could do no more than wait for Admiral Mello to return from Desterro. In the mean time the ships bought by President Peixoto arrived off Rio de Janeiro and prevented Da Gama from escaping. On March 15th, 1894, the rebel forces evacuated their positions on the islands of Villegaignon, Cobras, and Enxadas, abandoned their vessels, and were received on board two Portuguese warships then in the harbour, whence they were conveyed to Montevideo. The action of the Portuguese commander was prompted by a desire to save life, for, had the rebels fallen into the hands of Peixoto, they would assuredly have been executed.

When the news of the surrender of Saldanha da Gama reached Gumercindo Saraïva, then at Curitiba in Paraná, he proceeded to retire to Rio Grande do Sul. Government troops were despatched to intercept his retreat, and in one of the skirmishes which followed Saraïva was killed. The rebel army then dispersed. Admiral Mello made an unsuccessful attack on the town of Rio Grande, and then sailed to Buenos Ayres, there surrendering the rebel squadron to the Argentine authorities, by whom it was immediately delivered to the Brazilian government. After six months of civil war peace was once more established, but there still remained some small rebel groups in Rio Grande do Sul. These were joined by Admiral da Gama and a number of the naval officers, who had escaped from Rio de Janeiro; but in June, 1895, the admiral was killed in a fight with the government troops. After the cessation of hostilities, the greatest barbarities were practised upon those who, although they had taken no part in the insurrection, were known to have desired the overthrow of President Peixoto. The baron Cerro Azul was shot down without trial; Marshal de Gama Eza, an old imperial soldier of eighty years of age, was murdered in cold blood, and numerous executions of men of lesser note took place, among these being two Frenchmen for whose death the Brazilian government was subsequently called upon to pay heavy compensation.

General Peixoto was succeeded as president on November 15th, 1894, by Doctor Prudente de Moraes Barros. It was a moot question whether Peixoto, after the revolt was crushed, would not declare himself dictator; certainly many of his friends were anxious that he should follow this course, but he was broken down by the strain which had been imposed upon him, and was glad to surrender his duties. He did not recover his health, and died shortly afterwards,

[1894-1897 A.D.]

PRESIDENCY OF MORAES

From the first day that he assumed office President Moraes showed that he intended to suppress prætorian systems and reduce militarism to a minimum. This policy received the approval and sympathy of the majority of Brazilians, but naturally met with bitter opposition from the military element. The president gradually drew to him some members of the better conservative class to assist in his administration, and felt confident that he had the support of public opinion. Early in 1895 murmurings and disorderly conduct against the authorities began to take place in the military school at Rio de Janeiro, which had always been a hotbed of intrigue. Some of the officers and students were promptly expelled, and the president closed the school for several months. This salutary lesson had due effect, and no more discontent was fomented from that quarter. Two great difficulties stood in the way of steering the country to prosperity. The first was the chaotic confusion of the finances resulting from the maladministration of the national resources since the deposition of Dom Pedro II, and the corruption that had crept into every branch of the public service. Much was done by President Moraes to correct abuses, but the task was of too herculean a nature to allow of accomplishment within the four years during which he was at the head of affairs. The second difficulty was the war waged by religious fanatics under the leadership of Antonio Maciel, known as "Conselheiro," against the constituted authorities of Brazil.

The story of Conselheiro is a remarkable one. A native of Pernambuco, when a young man he married against the wishes of his mother, who took a violent dislike to the bride. Shortly after the marriage the mother assured her son that his wife held clandestine meetings with a lover, and stated that if he would go to a certain spot not far from the house that evening he would himself see that her assertion was true. The mother invented some plea to send the wife to the trysting-place, and then, dressing herself in male clothing, prepared to come suddenly on the scene as the lover, trusting to be able to make her escape before she was recognised. The three met almost simultaneously. Conselheiro, deeming his worst suspicions confirmed, shot and killed his wife and his mother before explanations could be offered. He was tried and allowed to go at liberty after some detention in prison. From that time Conselheiro was a victim of remorse, and to expiate his sin became a missionary in the sertao or interior of Brazil, among the wild Jagunço people. He built places of worship in many different districts, and at length became the recognised chief of the people among whom he had thus strangely cast his lot.

Some few years ago Conselheiro formed a settlement near Canudos, situated about four hundred miles inland from Bahia. Difficulty arose between the governor of Bahia and this fanatical missionary, with the result that Conselheiro was ordered to leave the settlement and take away his people. This order was met with a sturdy refusal to move. Early in 1897 a police force was sent to eject the settlers, but encountered strong resistance, and suffered heavy loss without being able to effect the purpose intended. In March, 1897, a body of fifteen hundred troops, with four guns, was despatched to bring the Jagunçoes to reason, but was totally defeated. An army comprising some five thousand officers and men was then sent to crush Conselheiro and his people at all costs. Little progress was made, the country being difficult of access, and the Jagunçoes laying ambuscades at every available place. Finally strong reinforcements were sent forward, the minister of war himself

[1897-1901 A.D.]

proceeding to take command of the army, now numbering nearly thirteen thousand men. Canudos was besieged and captured in September, 1897, Conselheiro being killed in the final assault. The expense of these expeditions was very heavy, and prevented President Moraes from carrying out many of the retrenchments he had planned.

RECENT HISTORY

Soon after the Canudos affair a conspiracy was hatched to assassinate the president. He was watching the disembarkation of some troops when a shot was fired which narrowly missed him and killed General Bitencourt, the minister of war. The actual perpetrator of the deed, a soldier, was tried and executed, but he was apparently ignorant of the persons who procured his services. Three other men implicated in the conspiracy were subsequently sentenced to imprisonment for a term of thirty years. The remainder of the presidency of Doctor Moraes was uneventful; and on November 15th, 1898, he was succeeded by Doctor Campos Salles, who had previously been governor of the state of São Paulo. President Salles publicly promised political reform, economy in the administration, and absolute respect for civil rights, and speedily made efforts to fulfil these pledges.

Brazil lacks to-day the first principles of republican government. The people have no real voice in the election of congress or president. Political representation is governed by groups forming miniature oligarchies in the different states, and these autocratically determine how the elections shall result. Only a small proportion of the population entitled to vote can be induced to attend the ballot, those who do so only coming forward because of influence brought to bear upon them, and not of their own free will; the great mass of the population is not at present capable of understanding the meaning of political freedom, and of the responsibility which such a state of affairs entails upon the inhabitants of any country where universal suffrage is granted./

GERMANS IN BRAZIL

In late years the question of the German colonisation of Brazil has been much discussed. The American press has talked of the "German danger," and of the advisability of enforcing the Monroe Doctrine against Germany's imperialistic schemes. It will be interesting in this connection to notice a Brazilian view of the matter as quoted by H. Schülerh from the Jornal de Comercio of December 5th, 1901:

"We have been told that Germany is like an over-full bee-hive which must find room every year for its swarms of bees; for all of them there are in all the world no more suitable, richer, or more healthful regions, with room enough for all, than with us, on the condition that the settlers spread themselves over all the states of the union, and do not gather together in one zone, forming a state within a state, and preventing a quick fusion of the two races, which can take place without the Germans forgetting their old home. They should take part in the national unity, they should help to found a new race, strong through its intelligence and its labour; they should, in a not too distant future, help to produce a people full of energy and love of progress, like the North American nation which was largely founded by Germans.

"But in order to attain this end it is indispensable that the German gov