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would outdo the mother, and of course were stimulated to make the greater exertions themselves. But the truth is, America is a great distance hence-much farther than the continental nations of Europe. Our people were not prepared to go or send their things, so far, to the Exhibition; moreover, our government could do little or nothing towards defraying the expense, as other nations did for their citizens. True, the Secretary fitted out one ship, and allowed articles to come into it free; but the expense of getting them to the ship in New York, and then from Southampton to London, with perhaps no one to take care of them whilst here, or return them to the States again, were very formidable obstacles to a general sending of things to the Exhibition from America. And besides, we do not yet profess to excel in all the Fine Arts, and are not driven to the necessity of showing how much labor can be expended on small things. Other nations less favored, have been obliged to do this, and they are here with all their handy-work. If America would show herself to the world, she must bring on here what the Crystal Palace cannot hold, her Mississippis, her Ohios, her Eries, her Superiors, her vast Prairies, her interminable Lumber Forests, her Water Power, her Railroads, her Merchant Ships, &c. In needle and brush work we do not profess to compete with Germany or Italy. The American part, however, of the Exhibition is highly respectable, and creditable to us. Since the Exhibition opened, Mr. Lawrence has sent home to America for the right sort of things; and John Bull will, yet see where the premiums go.

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The list begins with "Maine, "-so that on entering the Palace, under the American flag, the world is first

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introduced to our own State. I have taken some pains, and shall take more, to call the attention of the world to the National Resources and Industrial Interests of Maine; but unless I spend some time and watch for the moving of waters, which move slow in this conservative land, I fear I shall not have so many opportunities as I could desire for this service. I cannot afford to stay a great while. Six weeks consumed on my passage, was a loss of three weeks time here. And then the expenses of living or staying in London are enormous. You cannot go or stay or turn around without putting your hand in your pocket, pretty deeply too, to the tune of some sort of expense. Every thing is taxed in England — even the light we see and the air we breathe. I shall observe what I may, and do all I can, and gather up materials on which to work after I get home. Like a man who goes out in the forests for his stock and brings it into his shop for manufacture, so I have come out to England for materials, and shall take them home to my own laboratory to put in shape in a more quiet and convenient place — even the sanctuary of my own home.

The Park on which the Glass Palace is erected, connected with two other Parks and Kensington Gardens all running together, embraces as I have said, more than eight hundred acres, and has on it carriage ways, race courses, foot paths, fountains and a long pond or lake called Serpentine River. This is near the Palace, and is a beautiful sheet. Swans in graceful motion, ducks, geese, &c., rest upon its bosom; a bridge crosses it, from which you may see row boats, long, narrow and light built for racers, sail boats, and one ship, full rigged, a young man-of-war belonging to Victoria's oldest boy. On the

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green swards of the Park are sheep, deer, ponies and donkeys feeding. On the carriage ways the richest vehicles and stateliest coaches are moving, drawn by elegant spans of horses, driven by one man in gold lace mounted on the near horse, and another as gaudily dressed on the box, whilst another sits on a little cushioned seat, fringed with gold lace, in the rear of the body of the main carriage and all this to carry perhaps one Lord and his Lady, or it may be one child only. The liveried servants are numerous and the way they "dance attendance on the great," is an illustration not of republicanism. Could England be free, she would be glorious. But I fear republicanism stands a sorrier chance for triumph since Cromwell's efforts were killed off two hundred years ago, than in any civilized nation. The truth is, England is a "fast anchored Isle," fast anchored in old notions. She is the most conservative nation I know of, and this trait in her character will prevent all essential reforms in the constitution of her government.

To-morrow I visit Windsor Castle, the House of English Sovereigns for several centuries past.

LETTER XIX.

VISIT TO PARLIAMENT.

Constitution of the English Government-Power of the Chief Magistrate -The Legislative Houses-Rights of Suffrage-Independence of the Crown-Parliament House-The First ever Built-Its locality, size, style -Victoria Tower-Quantity of Materials in the Edifice-Westminster Abbey-Introduction to the Government Palace-Position in the Gallery of the House of Lords-Different approaches to it-The Octagonal Hall in the House of Lords-Description of the chamber, seats, tables, woolsack, tribune, galleries, stalls, windows, paintings-The Lord Chancellor-No Written Rules and Orders-Significance of the WoolsackThe Throne-Paintings in rear of the Throne-Ceiling-Peeresses Seat -Baronial Statues-Appearance of the Members-Subjects under discussion-Speakers-The Duke of Wellington-Bag of Maintenance from the Commons-Young Prince of Wales and two Turks near the Throne-American Senate superior to House of Lords.

LONDON, AUG. 6, 1851.

The British Parliament consists of an hereditary Chief Magistrate, under the title of King or Queen, a House of Lords, and a House of Commons. No female can ascend the throne if she has a brother or any other male relation of the same rank as herself, living; hence it is a rare thing for England to have a QUEEN- and this rarity creates a new interest in the Government; kings are much more common. The Executive Government, in fact, is in the hands of a Ministerial Cabinet appointed by the Crown, who exercise their functions on their own responsibility. They are removable, or must resign, when their own personal influence, or that of their party, falls

into the minority. So that the changes in the Executive Government of England, follow the changes in public sentiment. In the United States, the Executive cannot be changed, however unpopular or odious, in less time than four years; in England it may be changed at every vote of the popular branch of Parliament. The Queen has no control over the National Legislature, having given up the power, though not the right, of putting a veto on any

measure.

The House of Lords consists of hereditary Peers, twenty-eight Peers elected by the Irish Peers for life, sixteen by the Scotch Peers for each Parliament, and thirty Archbishops and Bishops of the Established Church of England. From time to time the Queen names new Peers, and occasionally, to strengthen a party, without increasing the stock of hereditary Peers, the eldest son of a Peer is called into the House of Lords. All are not "lords" who are Peers, or rather all are not called lords who are members of the Upper House - the lords are the lowest, then arise earls, marquises, and lastly dukes, which are only one step from the throne.

The House of Commons consists of 650 members, elected by the people, and who hold the purse strings of the nation. Neither the nobility nor the monarch can touch a penny without the consent of the Commons. The right of suffrage differs in different districts. In some boroughs, every working-man is an elector; but generally a voter must be a householder, or have some interest in the soil, either as proprietor or farmer. In London the right of voting is vested in the occupiers of houses, counting-houses, warehouses, or other buildings, the yearly rent of which, is at least £10. They must also have been

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